Valley Virginian

The Great National Union Convention called to meet at Philadelphia on the 14th of August, is exciting profound interest and much comment throughout the country, North and South. The general policy of the Southern States in the coming political struggles, is, we think, so plain that they cannot go amiss. But two political parties at present divide the nation, and the South must choose between them. One, the Radical disunion faction which threatens the utter destruction of the country, and the establishment of a hideous irresponsible mob despotism upon the ruins of a free Constitutional Republic; the other is composed of all those who are opposed to the destructive policy of this faction, and it is the object, as we understand it, of the Philadelphia Convention to mould and shape into one powerful organization all these, at present, scattered and disjointed elements of conservatism. Such an object must meet with the cordial approval of every well-wisher of the country, and especially is it the duty as well as the interest of the Southern people to forward by every means in their power a "consummation" so "devoutly to be wished for."

The advantage to the country of the consolidation of all the conservative elements North, is beyond doubt. The only question for us, is how can WE best advance that end. Taking this view of the matter, we very much doubt the propriety and sound policy of sending a formal delegation to represent us on the floor of that convention. To send men (and if representative men, of such this delegation must be composed) who a little more than twelve months ago, were, in the current cant of the day, rebels of the deepest dye; who fought and labored for the success of the Southern cause and the disruption of the Federal Union; who yet protest the purity of their motives, and see no reason to doubt the righteousness of the cause for which they suffered, and the loss of which they mourn--to meet in council and debate, northern men, the majority of whom, no matter how conservative, no matter how willing to "let the dead past bury its dead," still believe and assert that we have been conscious Rebels, warring against "the best government the sun ever shone upon," and only reinstated to the rights of citizenship by the pardoning power of the President--any attempt to unite in council and debate such irreconcilable elements is fraught with imminent danger to the ends for which we all hope and labor. It is next to impossible that gentlemen differing so radically as to the stirring and all absorbing events of the last five years can meet in political debate without heated and angry crimination and recrimination, which would most probably end in the disruption of the Convention and the consequent failure or at least postponement of the movement for which it was convened. It is hardly probably that moderate Republicans and war Democrats will listen with patience to the enunciation of the Southern idea of the causes of the war, the rights of the States, and the utter and scornful repudiation by the disfranchised States of the right of Congress or any other existing body to proscribe extra constitutional test oaths as the condition precedent to the admission of representatives, and it is absolutely certain that Southern gentlemen could never sit mute under the torrent of tom-foolery about Union, loyalty and treason which must be jabbered by any politician who hopes to catch the ear of the Northern people.

For these and other reasons grave doubts present themselves to our mind as to the policy of our sending a formal delegation to Philadelphia. But as the call for the assembling of that convention unfortunately, in our opinion, includes the Southern States, it is incumbent upon us to respond in such a manner as will assure the Conservatives of the North of our earnest co-operation in any movement which has for its object the final settlement of the difficulties between the sections and the restoration, or rather re-establishment of the government on a firm constitutional basis; for the radical despotism now enthroned at Washington can hardly be termed more than a miserable burlesque on constitutional Republicanism.

In view of all the difficulties and perplexities of the question, we would earnestly endorse the suggestion of many of the ablest of our exchanges, that instead of sending delegates to the floor of the Convention we should content ourselves with commissioning a few of our best representative men to attend the Convention as a corps of observation, to assure our friends there of our sympathy in the movement, and cordial co-operation in any action which may be initiated on a sound, constitutional platform.

The predictions of a civil war in the North soon to be inaugurated, come upon us thick and fast, and from some of the most prominent politicians of that section. The remarks of Mr. Raymond, says the Lynchburg News of the 21st, copied yesterday, tell us, in so many words, that in the event of a Radical triumph this Fall, such a war is inevitable. Mr. Blair also raises the voice of warning, and foreshadows the impending contest. In addressing the students of Yale College last week, General Sherman said, "I tell you that before you pass from the stage there will be fighting in comparison with which mine will seem slight, and I have had enough."

When the contest commences it will be no mere sectional war like that between the North and South, but will be strictly and truly a "civil war." The battle will be among Northern men, neighbors, friends, brothers and relatives, and will be waged with all the intensity of hate, and all the unrelenting ferocity, which ever characterized such internecine strifes. On one side will be arrayed all the elements of Radicalism, all the cohorts of Jacobinism--on the other the friends of the Constitution, of law, and of order. It will not be difficult for the South to decide what part she will take in such a contest.

The "signs of the times" at the North--the warnings of her prominent public men--the mad fanaticism which rules the hour--the unconstitutional, illiberal, unjust and aggressive spirit, which pervades the Jacobin majority in Congress, and to a large extent the popular mind of the North, all tend to force upon us the conclusion that this country is fast drifting into chaos of anarchy, and is destined to add another to the long list of examples, which history furnishes, both in ancient and modern times, that republics are short lived. Let us hope that it may be otherwise. Let us hope that the returning good sense of the people of the North, will avert the impending calamity, and save the country from a scene of bloodshed and carnage, unparalleled in the annals of the world.

Speaking of the conduct of the women of the South during the war, Forney thus shows up their iniquities: "Between the roar of the first gun and shriek of the last victim they displayed an indomitable energy, a fertility of resource, a boundless enthusiasm, a contempt for danger, a hatred to the North and a devotion to the South which found no parallel among the sternest who mounted the deadly breach or aimed the deadlier shot. If a political meeting was called and only three attended, one was a woman; if praises, prayers and blessings were required, women performed the pleasing duty, with a feeling and pathos that were exceeded in fervor only by the curses they showered upon their opponents and faint-hearted countrymen; from the beardless youth to the gray-haired sire, there was none able to resist their graciousness, their charms, their smiles, their tears, their love, but above all their scorns, sarcasm and contempt."

It never has been the habit of the women of the South to attend political meetings, and we have never heard that they did so during the war. But the other charges brought against them are true--to their immortal honor be it said. The fervent love of country, the devotion to principle, the unaffected piety, the generous self-sacrifice, the calm courage, the womanly tenderness, the unflinching fortitude they exhibited whenever circumstances provoked their exercise, which this man Forney imputes as crimes to the women of the South, will form their crown of glory in ages to come. And long, long after Forney shall have gone down

"To the vile dust from which he sprang,
Unwept, unhonored, and unsung."

Poetry and Art shall combine to do honor to the memory of that splendid sisterhood--the "Women of the South."--N. Y. News.

The Radicals talk a great deal about making "treason odious and loyalty respectable" and Gen. Logan of Illinois, says that such men as Sherman should be made more respectable "morally, politically and socially" than Lee and others. It ain't in the "power of the die" to accomplish that object, even by a Constitutional amendment. Its hard on the Yankees, but some men will be gentlemen and be respected, while others will not.

A good man--an humble and consistent Christian, full of years, and conscious of duties well and faithfully performed, has passed from among us. On the 28th day of June 1866, Nelson Shelton, a freedman, formerly the servant of Thomas J. Michie, but for many years indulged in the practical enjoyment of his freedom, departed this life at the residence of his former master in Staunton, leaving an affectionate wife, and numerous descendants to mourn his loss. No man in any station could have acted out his part with more fidelity than did the subject of this notice. Kind and affectionate to those around him, honest and upright in all his dealings, a faithful and trusted servant, a loving and indulgent husband and father, he added to all these graces, that of an humble Christian, having a full trust in the merits of a crucified Saviour, and died in perfect peace.

His old master who had known him well for forty years and was a witness of his excellencies, renders this tribute to his honored memory.