Valley Spirit

Before alderman Nicholson, there came a short time since a young and handsome woman named Eliza Montgomery bearing in her arms an infant five weeks old, which the most casual observer would not be a great while in discovering was, to a certain extent of negro parentage. The woman acknowledged herself to be the mother of the child, and desired to make an information against the father, a "black and tan," for fornication and bastardy. Notwithstanding the character of the intimacy which must have existed between them, the woman was unable to tell the name of the blackamoor. She know his first name was Archie, and that was all. A warrant was accordingly issued for, the apprehension of Archie. The above, bad as it is, is not the worst feature of the case, "by a jug full."

Mary Montgomery, a young, beautiful and intelligent girl, resided in one of our suburban villages, where a little more than a year ago, she was met, wooed and won by an army officer of this city, who had but recently been discharged from the service and whose name we suppress for prudential motives. They were engaged to be married, and the 2d of June last was fixed for the consummation of the event.-During last spring she met the negro Archie, and forgetting her vows of constancy to her affianced husband, she maintained an improper intercourse with the negro-to her lasting infamy be it said--almost to the day of her marriage. The 2d of June came and with it the wedding, which was duly celebrated, and the pair lived happily together for a time. The young wife soon discovered, however, that serious consequences were about to result from her infamous conduct, and she made a "clean breast" of her crime to her husband. The denouement was of course followed by an immediate separation, and an application for divorce is now pending in court. On Wednesday last, the wretched woman made application to the guardians of the poor, and herself and mulatto child were sent to the Poor Farm where she will probably end her days in misery and disgrace-Pittsburgh Post.

The frequency of such cases as the forgoing of late make it evident that the negro equality teachings of Phillips, Forney, Cameron, and other Radical leaders, are having their affect upon the impressible minds of the young - the female sex especially. In the wreck of the young woman mentioned those leaders may see their work, as the public see it. Over such wrecks they are striding to place and power. Every step of their progress is marked with the footprints of shame, and every stage with a landmark of suffering. Alas, for the poor victims of Radical cupidity and ambition

It is sad," said Mr. Eldrige, of Wisconsin, recently in a speech in Congress, "to stand silently by and see the Republic lie overthrown." Those of us who were taught from early childhood to revere and love the Constitution can scarcely believe it possible that men could become so wicked as to lay violent hands upon the grand and glorious frame-work of the government established by our fathers, with the avowed purpose of destroying it. And yet, incredible as it seems and appalling as is the thought, it is even so. It can no longer be disguised that those into whose hands has been entrusted the safe-keeping of our institutions have fully resolved, if possible, to change our whole system and theory of government. The citadel of liberty is assailed, not by outside enemies, but by those who should be, and who have sworn to be, its special and most vigilant defenders, thus combining perjury with perfidy .

Thaddeus Stevens is the acknowledge leader of the radical majority in Congress. His word is law. He has but to command to be obeyed. He applies the party lash to his followers with a success heretofore unparalleled in a free country. His party friends bow as submissively to his mandates as do the degraded subjects of Russia to the imperial edicts of the Csar. His power over his party could not be greater than it is if he wore an imperial crown. His utterances must therefore be taken as the authoritative exposition of the designs of the party which he controls. Hear, then the words of the great law-giver of the radical party, as recently uttered on the floor of Congress:

"My I ask, without offense, will Congress have the courage to do its duty? Or will it be deterred by the clamor of ignorance, bigotry, and despotism from perfecting a revolution begun without their consent, but which ought not to be ended without their full participation and concurrence? Possibly the people would not have inaugurated this revolution to correct the palpable incongruities and despotic provisions of the Constitution; but having it forced upon them, will they be so unwise as to suffer it to subside [UNCLEAR] without erecting this nation into a perfect Republic?"

Here the revolutionary purpose of the radical party is boldly avowed. He declares himself in favor of "perfecting a revolution begun without the consent of Congress, but which ought not to be ended without their full participation and concurrence." What does he mean? To what revolution does he refer? He evidently refers to the revolution begun by the South in the spring of 1861 for the purpose of dividing the Union, and overthrowing the Constitution in one portion of our country, and to prevent which all the people of the land were made mourners, and future generations burdened with untold millions of debt. And this is the revolution, after having been subdued by sacrifices greater than any recorded in history, Mr. Stevens proposes to continue and "perfect," and in which he calls upon his party friends to fully participate and concur. The original scope of the revolution, as contemplated by the secessionists, does not seem to satisfy Mr. Stevens.-Their design simply was to overthrow the Constitution in one section of the country, but nothing will satisfy this in a [UNCLEAR] revolutionary monster short of its entire subversion and the consequent destruction of our republican form of government. If the southern people are traitors for their participation in this revolution, what must Stevens and his party be called for taking it up where they left it, and proposing to "perfect" it by making it apply to the whole country?

The revolution is to be carried forward to "perfection" by the radical party for the purpose, as Mr. Stevens states it, "to correct the palpable incongruities and despotic provisions of the Constitution." What a libel upon the wisdom and patriotism of the framers of the Constitution! It must make the heart of every honest patriot in the land burn with indignation against the man who, thus unblushingly denounces the glorious work of Washington and Franklin, Hamilton and Madison, and their compeers [UNCLEAR] as a batch of "palpable incongruities and despotic provisions." Astounding as is the fact, the purpose of the radical leaders to tear down the noble governmental structure erected by our fathers, and which has been the boast and chief glory of this country for more than three-quarters of a century, and to erect upon its ruins some utopian government to rest upon the shoulders of the negro, with Thad. Stevens as the master-architect, is here clearly avowed. This is the way in which "this nation is to be erected into a perfect Republic." How do the people relish the idea of such a change? Are they willing that the old and tried government founded by Washington and his compatriots shall be supplanted by a new and untried one founded by Stevens & Co.? Unless the spirit of the public liberty is nearer extinction than we think it is, this great act of treason cannot be consummated.

The intense hatred of the radical party to the Constitution needs no stronger proof than the extract from Mr. Stevens' speech which we have quoted. They have fully determined upon its destruction. They have long since ceased to obey its mandates or to be governed by its teachings. To consolidate all power in Congress, which they control, is their great aim. To this end they are now waging relentless war upon the co-ordinate branches of the government - the Executive and Judiciary - intending to swallow them up in the vortex of congressional usurpation. The Executive and judiciary out of the way, there will be no remaining barrier to stand between the constitutional rights of the people and the remor [UNCLEAR] tyranny of the Jacobin faction in Congress.

If the people would save their liberties they must arouse to action at once. Delays are most dangerous. The people must speak out boldly against these conspirators against the life of the Republic, And not only must they speak but they must act. We want organization, the efficient organization of al the true men of the country to meet this mew peril to our institutions. The danger is greater now than at any period of our history. The government is hanging upon the verge of ruin, with a godless faction threatening to precipitate it any moment to destruction. Let the people everywhere prepare to save the Republic of our fathers at all hazards. In order to accomplish this it may yet become necessary to make the usurpers bite the dust and snatch liberty, as it were, from the jaws of death. When that time comes, (which God forbid) we doubt not, the patriotic masses of this great country will prove themselves, as in times past, the "heroic sons of an heroic ancestry."

Some persons have strange ideas of words. Politicians, particularly, seem to thing it a pleasant office to disturb their settled meaning, whether for the purpose of making black appear white, or from a confused perception of things in themselves, or from a disposition to impress error for truth on the unsophisticated and simple, others must judge. Opposition to the Constitution and laws is called "loyalty," whilst the support of them is nicknamed "disloyalty." The proposition to let loose upon the ballot-box a savage horde of ignorant negroes, is styled the ne plus ultra of civilized refinement, or in Yankee phrase the capping stone of the temple of liberty-whilst all opposition to this "grand moral idea" is malignant and superabounding treason.

The learned editor of the Repository has not been able to resist the current propensity to loose phraseology; and indeed has actually perpetrated in his last issue one of the wildest perversions yet set afloat. He has characterized the amendment of the Constitution tendered by the Radical Congress to the Southern people, as "magnanimous ." Magnanimous indeed! Strip a people of their ancient and well established rights-subject them to the polution and demoralization of an inferior, ignorant, idle and fetish race-and then profess it is kindness, love and brotherhood, they offer!-Such utter trash may sound well in the ears of some of his subscribers, and may suit the taste of sycophants and Wendell Phillips, but to us it seems the ebullition of empty arrogance and insult to a fallen foe.

Such inestimable presents like the and thousand one offered to the South by the radical members of Congress are beginning to be understood. The deceptive, double-dealing, when closely examined, stands out in such bold relief, that moderate men of all parties, save the fool and fanatic, see through it, the organized plan, to subvert the best government the world ever saw, to despotic rule.

These miserable shifts to hide, by what are called magnanimous offers of conciliation, the malignant pretensions of a woolly-headed party, is not unlike the proffered horse to Troy, a sham, a snare inclosing within armed men and horrid war.

Who will wonder that suspicions are excited. That same amendment, in some of its parts so seemingly innocent, has a latitudinarian aspect which is capable of vast expansive meaning, in the hands of a dominant power retaining to itself, as it does in the last section, the right to carry out its sinister constructions, by future acts of Congress.

"Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes ," which means liberally constructed, "I fear the nigger party, and their agents who offer doubtful presents," might well be supposed to be the maxim of the States of the South, as applied to the "magnanimous Rump Congress," and its disloyal, Union hating "Reconstruction Committee." How could they be expected to yield all their rights, and suffer political emasculation even when so "magnanimously" offered by the "magnanimous" committee. Rather let them wait for the "sterner proceedings" threatened by the last Repository .

CHARLESTOWN, W. Va., January 31st, 1867

MESSRS EDITORS: The non-reconstructed of this region are just now having a gay time of it, and in the exciting pleasures of this festive season almost forget the indignities and disabilities sought to be imposed upon them. Who can think of politics whilst sleighing and its joyous concomitants prevail? So long as sleighing, getting married and drinking applejack are not contraband, old Thaddeus and his compeers may pass such laws as suit them. But mark you! the folks south of Mason & Dixon's line are watching narrowly the impeachment business, and will be no idle spectators in a contingency requiring their services. The South will be found a unit in cooperating with the Democracy of the North in sustaining the President. Why not? He stands on the Constitution and only insists that it shall be respected. How insane the policy of the Radical leaders to invite such a conflict. The southern people have abandoned forever the idea of separation, as the cause for that extreme measure has been happily removed but they stand by the Executive in his efforts to maintain in violate the Constitution. Let the conflict once be begun and might will decide it. The southern people held the united North at bay four years without money and without credit. How will it be when the Radicals arrayed against the Northern Democracy, the army and navy and men who held the whole North at bay? I have confidence in the result of such a conflict, but hope the Radical leaders have too much discretion to undertake it. If nothing else will suit them, however, let them drive on their horses, and they will get just as much as they want and some to boot . For myself I always disapproved of the rebellion and steadfastly refused to give it countenance, but I despise the cowardly conduct of the Radical leaders who wish to degrade a fallen but magnanimous foe.

We want peace; the entire South want peace; the wise men of the North want peace. There is no cause of quarrel, but if it must be precipitated by an attempt to depose the Executive, the work will begin and New England fanaticism receive a chastisement it has long deserved, and not only it but every one else who pulls with it.

This is the severest winter known here for many years, and the sleighing is excellent. Since the sleighing has become good a number of Pennsylvania farmers have ventured across the river in their sleighs to take a look at the country. Your farmers having the means cannot do better than to buy here. Lands that will bring from $100 to $150 per acre in the Cumberland Valley can be had here from $50 to $75. It must also be recollected that our market from every description or produce is quite as good here as anywhere in that valley. Our wheat market is generally a few cents better than at Chambersburg. Lands here must and will be soon as high as with you. Several of your shrewd German farmers have sold out and bought here. One man sold a farm of 160 acres for $16,000 and bought 250 here for $15,000, He says the land he bought here is much the best-smoother and of better quality. Lands here are from 33 to 50 per cent lower than in the Cumberland Valley.

New Yorkers and Pennsylvanians are buying our poor pine-hill lands at from $5 to $10 per acre, and I predict our people here will be surprised in a few years to see what a change good farming will produce in thin land.

Most people coming to look at land expect to get it too low and are disappointed. For this reason I have given the rates.-First class land with good improvements of course are held at pretty high figures but is still as I have stated.

I know a gentleman in this neighborhood who offers his farm at $40 per acre. The land is of excellent quality, whilst the improvements are first class. Any where within 10 miles of Chambersburg this farm would bring $75 to $80. He raised 1,000 bushels of wheat on it this year, and it was considered a small yield compared with previous crops.

We want the labor and capital of your Germans, and will welcome such to our midst.

OGLETHORPE.

The following new counterfeits have made their appearance in this locality:

Farmers' Bank of Schuykill county, Pottsville, Penn'a. 20s altered--vig herd of deer, under a tree; the right end 20, female portrait; left and, 20 in die work.

Mechanicsburg Bank, Mechanicsburg, Pa. in - vig portrait of Washington, two females to the right, three females to the left; on right end, head of Jackson; on left end, head of Franklin.

Fourth National Bank, Philadelphia, Pa, 20s imitation-Goddess of Liberty, farmers, artisans &c., on lower right corner; battle of Lexington on lower left corner; baptism of Pocahontas on back of note. The general appearance of the note is good, and calculated to deceive. Observe on counterfeit the butt of the musket on lower left corner touches the butt of the musket on lower left corner touches the scroll work around figures "20," and the hand of the female on man's breast, the fingers can scarcely be seen. - On genuine no part of the gun touches and the fingers are quite distinct. On counterfeit, under the words, "this note," where it reads "this note is secured," &c., there are but three flourishes-genuine has four -also between United States, which is omitted in counterfeit. (Those lines can be added, however, in future impressions.) The letter "a," in "Treasurer," under Spianer's name, is larger than the other letters, and while the counterfeit is the same length of genuine, it is at least one-quarter of an inch narrower. On counterfeit the shield beside the eagle on back of note, contains but six stars, and they are very imperfect; on genuine seventeen stars are visible.

The following causes were disposed of on the second week:

COMMON PLEAS.

Elisabeth Jane Trendle and Samuel B. Doyle vs. Mary Ann Clark, widow of Samuel Clark, dec'd and Charles Evans, guardian of Mary E. Clark, only child of Samuel Clark, dec'd. Ejectment for a tract of land in Hamilton township containing 61 acres and 28 perches. Verdict for plaintiff.

Barney Conner vs. A. B. Seibert. Summons case in assumpait. The plaintiff in this case volunteered into the army and left his bounty money-upwards of $500 in the hands of defendant. Some time thereafter Samuel Wolff, a half brother of plaintiff, got the money from Seibert and invested it in such a manner that the money was lost. It appeared by the testimony that the defendant paid the money to Wolff without authority, but claimed that Conner had ratified his action, in support of which letters of plaintiff were produced. The jury could'nt see it in that light, and found for the plaintiff $415 with interest from Sept. 5 1864.

Ann C. Funk and James Hayle [?] vs. David Miller and William F. Horner. An action in Trespass de bonis Asportatus. Record amended and case continued until next court.

Noah Snider vs. The Burgess and Council of Waynesboro, Summons case. Special verdict.

Rudolph Spellman vs. Daniel W. Royer, In Equity. Rudolph Spielman purchased a farm from Daniel W. Royer. In the above suit, he sought to defalk against the purchase money of this farm two notes, one for seventeen hundred, and the other for a thousand dollars, transferred to him for a valuable consideration, by Daniel Myers. In the transfer, Myers guarantees the payment of the notes, so that in reality the controversy was between Myers and Royer. When the bill and answer were filed the case was referred by the Court to W. S. Stenger, Esq., as Examiner. In the examination, it soon became evident that the conflict of testimony was so great that it was impossible for him to find the facts. A feigned issue was therefore framed to try the facts in dispute before a jury and on Tuesday morning of last week the case came to trial. The plaintiff exhibited the notes, and rested. The defendant Daniel W. Royer was then put upon the stand, who swore that he had never received value for the notes; that they were given by him to Myers as accommodation notes on the strength of representation from Myers, that he (Myers) had his paper in Bank then, and did not wish to put any more of it there, but that he was in need of money and wished to raise it by means of Royer's notes, and that he (Myers) would pay the notes at maturity.

Daniel Myers was called by the plaintiff and swore that he had given Royer the amount of money for which the notes were given, viz two thousand, seven hundred dollars, that the notes were not given as accommodation notes, but for full value.-Mr. Spielman also testified that when he presented the notes to Royer, Royer said to him that he had gotten the seventeen hundred dollars from Myers, but at the same time said there was something wrong about the notes.

Thirty-eight or thirty-nine witnesses were called by the defendant who swore that the general reputation of Myers for truth in his neighborhood was so bad that they would not regard him as a safe witness in Court.

Seventy-two witnesses were called by the plaintiff who testified to the good character of Myers. The defendant got before the jury the fact that Myers has been considerable of a horse-jockey-that he is a sharp dealer-"sharp at both ends," as the witnesses had it, and the argument was drawn from this, that he had both the capacity and inclination to overreach Royer.

Myers and Royer are brothers-in-law which fact has no doubt increased the bitterness of the controversy.

One thing is certain that either Royer or Myers has committed the most willful and corrupt perjury. As one of the counsel remarked, as well attempt to reconcile Holiness and Sin as to reconcile their testimony. We do not pretend to be the judge between them. There are strange circumstances on both sides of the case.

It is admitted that at the time the notes were given Royer was in failing circumstances. It seems queer therefore that at such a time Myers should get from him these notes upon which to raise money, when nobody was likely to give him money on the notes of a man who was generally known to be embarrassed in money matters. Royer testifies also to having borrowed seventeen hundred and fifty dollars from Myers just a few days before the date of the seventeen hundred dollar note.-Strange therefore that Myers was "flush" enough to lend him seventeen hundred and fifty dollars, and a few days afterward was himself so sorely pressed that he was obliged to procure one of these "accommodation notes" from the very man to whom he had loaned the money. On the other hand Myers testifies to having given Royer seventeen hundred dollars for the note for that amount, drawn payable at ninety days without interest. It seems almost incredible that a man of Myers' reputation for sharp dealing and money-making should become so generous as to give Royer this money without some advantage to himself. So with the one thousand dollar note.

Besides no one knew better than Myers that Royer was in failing circumstances.--Why therefore, would he give him all this money on his individual notes without any security whatever?

It looks to us as though there has been very hard swearing on one side or the other but we do not pretend to say which. It would be a consolation to our inquisitive mid to have the mystery unraveled, but we don't se how it can be done.

The standing of all the parties to the suit and the amount of money involved with the attending circumstances, excited an unusual interest in the proceedings of the trial, and during its progress the courtroom was crowded. The jury found in favor of the defendant Daniel W. Royer. a motion was immediately filed for a new trial. It was argued at length and the Court reserved its decision. Sharpe, Kimell & McLellan for plaintiff; Cessna, T. B. Kennedy and Clark for defendant