Valley Spirit

Pennsylvania will be the first of the great Middle and Western States to take position on the issue that has been thrust so boldly on the country. Her voice in the October election will be potent, one way or the other, in deciding the question of Union or disunion. The November elections will be directly affected by that in the Keystone State. It is for this reason that such efforts are making by the Radicals. They are getting up all the noisy enthusiasm, in their power. What they may lack in greenbacks this year they are making up in fireworks, music, and cannon; which accounts for Geary's saying that a meagre little out-door meeting, where a half-pounder was firing every two or three minutes, and that "their cannon put him in good humor with mankind." The leaders are working with the energy of desperation, for they know that if they lose the election in Pennsylvania their rule is at an end in Congress.--Stevens and Forney are sleepless. They get up a so-styled "Southern Union" Convention in Philadelphia to-day, and a Pittsburgh "Soldiers and Sailors" Convention to-morrow; both pitiful imitations of the grand National Union Convention of August 14, and the noble Soldiers and Sailors' Cleveland Convention of the 17th inst. It is a heavy battle that is being fought for the Union in Pennsylvania, but we must recollect that Gettysburg is in that State, and there the soldiers of the Union taught the voters how to turn back the tide of disunionists from whatever direction it set in.

The Conservatives, who take their stand on the broad constitutional platform of the National Union Convention, have much to do before they can claim the victory, but they realize what momentous issues are involved and what far-reaching consequences hang on the result. They have the loftiest suggestion of patriotism to inspire them. The noblest desires which men can entertain for their country now calling loudly on them for help, are present with them as constant counselors. It is a question whether ten States shall be kept under the feet of a government that will have learned by such an act to practice usurpation and tyranny. It is a question of peace or a renewal of destructive war with watered fields and smoking cities and towns to mark its course. It is whether, after having beaten down sedition, we are to organize the entire government anew, not for the purpose of protecting defending and perpetuating Union but to inflict vindictive penalties, to convert sovereign States into waste provinces, to hold a third of the population of the country in civil and social bondage, and to establish a centralized power from which all the checks and balances that entered into its creation are absolutely taken away. It is, in fine, a question of restored fraternity and prosperity, or of continued alienation, certain bankruptcy, and a total overthrow of our republican system.

The spirit of the sound and timely advice given by the Post is just that which animates the anti-Radical party in the Old Keystone State. They know the honor of meeting and checking the advance of that hitherto invincible party, the Radicals, which is marching with the torches to light anew the flames of sectional discord in the nation, is theirs. And they will succeed.--The old Democratic party is fairly aroused, and their Conservative allies are ready for the contest. The young, ardent, and patriotic leader of the Union forces, Hiester Clymer, is infusing new life, energy and determination into the combined army, and in all parts of the State the notes of preparation and the tones of encouragement are heard. The struggle is a despotic one, but the friends of constitutional liberty and a restored Union will place Pennsylvania back again in her old place as the Keystone of the Federal Arch, and by doing so cheer and encourage the Union party in her sister States in their conflict with the revolutionary, disunion party of the country.

The Radical Party in National Convention Declare for Negro Suffrage.

He who, in face of the proceedings of the Philadelphia Republican Convention of last week an the meetings connected therewith still continue to mislead the people into the belief that negro suffrage is not an issue in the coming contest, must have but little regard for his own reputation. The negro Fred Douglass and several others of the same color were delegates to that convention. Douglass marched arm in arm with Theodore Tilton, of the Independent, and was lustily cheered along the line of the procession as was also Gen. Geary. Douglass had the distinguished honor of being introduced at the League House. The Press informs us that "loud calls were made for Mr. Frederick Douglass, who was introduced amidst great applause." Douglass said:

The question, then comes to us, shall the presence of this vast black population in our midst be made a blessing to themselves a blessing to us, and a blessing to the whole country, or a curse to themselves, a curse to us, and a curse to the whole country?--Statesmanship has but one answer. It was given this morning from the eloquent lips of Senator Yates. Philanthropy has but one answer, and it is given from a thousand pulpits and a thousand platforms today. It is this: A thorough and complete incorporation of this whole black element into the American body politic--[cries of "good!"]--anything less than this will prove an utter failure, in my judgement--with a right to the jury-box, the witness box, and the ballot-box--[applause.]

We are also informed by the Press that "when the speaker had concluded he was shaken by the hand by a large number of the delegates."

Mr. James M. Scovel, another delegate to the Convention said:

"We say to the white man, who shouted for the Constitution while he spit upon it, disfranchise the black man if you dare!--Make him three-fifths of a man as you did before slavery died: but, so help us God, you shall never deem the black man no man at all--without vote or voice in the policies which control him--and then ask to vote for him while your tender mercy is breathing of murder and slaughter at New Orleans and Memphis."

Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, offered a series of resolutions in the convention "expressing the belief that there could be no permanent peace without universal suffrage."

Mr. Lascar of Missouri, offered a resolution declaring "that there never will or never can be reconstruction without the political equality of the whites and blacks."

Col. C. E. Moss, of Missouri, offered a resolution that in the opinion of this Convention the plan of reconstruction, as proposed by Congress, is defective in not providing for the enfranchisement of all loyal citizens, without regard to color, and earnestly requesting Congress, at its next session, to remove that defect by suitable measures of legislation.

A number of delegates offered resolutions in favor of universal suffrage, which were applauded.

Mr. Trop of Virginia, offered the following, which was applauded:

Resolved, That the elective franchise is a natural right, and ought to be guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States to all its citizens.

Mr. Kelsey, of Washington, D. C., offered the following, which was vociferously applauded:

Resolved, That this is the hour for the declaration and maintenance of principle versus policy, and that impartial suffrage is the sign in which we must conquer.

Mr. Conway of Kansas, offered a resolution declaring that the President of the United States deserves the condemnation of the loyal men of the South, in sending out his late commissioners. Steedman and Fullerton, for the purpose of destroying the confidence of the country in the Freedman's Bureau, by means of false reports, so tempered as to sustain his own policy; that this Convention do most cordially endorse the action of the Freedman's Bureau, believing that the said Bureau is necessary to the welfare of all classes in the South, until it can be dispensed with by the ballot, in the hands of all loyal men, regardless of color.

Mr. Moss addressed the Convention in favor of universal suffrage, as the only safe basis of reconstruction. It has been said that this policy would hurt the Northern elections. He did not think so. It would at any rate reconstruct ten Southern States so as to give the political power to loyal men, and send twenty Senators to Congress like Mr. Durant, of Louisiana. [Applause.] It was surely not the intention of this Convention to endorse the provisional governments of Andrew Johnson. If not, he did not see why this resolution should be opposed. It was well known that the white refugees from the South were universally in favor of equal suffrage. If white men did not help the negroes in the South, the time would soon come when the negroes would take the matter into their own hands, and when they did God help the rebels. [Applause.] How many more New Orleans riots would it take to set the whole South in a flame? Not many, he thought. He believed there were five or six hundred thousand men in this country who were not going to trifle much longer on this question. They were led by such men as Philips.--Equality to all men was promised in the call for this Convention, and it would be hypocrisy to go home without declaring in favor of it.

Miss Anna Dickinson, Gen. Geary and Fred Douglas were invited by a complementary resolution, to seats on the platform. Miss Dickinson said:

What was to be gained, she asked, by deferring action upon negro suffrage? Nothing! while everything was to be lost by a vacillating conciliatory course. The people even of Maryland and Kentucky would say that the Union Republican party was devoted to negro suffrage, even though its representatives could not see that the policy of justice is always the most profitable and just.

Next following her, came Fred. Douglass, speaking in this strain:

A stranger would believe that you intended to give equal and exact justice to men of my complexion. If you mean anything by equal justice or equal protection you mean that Frederick Douglass shall have an equal right with every other citizen to protect his liberty. [Applause.] You do mean it. [Applause.] Why, then, in God's name, do you not come out and express your convictions? [Great Applause.] I have talked to men from the South, and they have said, "It will come; don't hasten it; let us get out of the well and we will attend to you." [Laughter and great applause.]

Geary took a front seat with Douglass and "gentle Anne," but failed to "come to time" in a speech, having left his manuscript at home. He doubtless felt that his presence there in so prominent a post of honor sufficiently manifested his assent to the doctrines of negro suffrage and negro equality.

Parson Brownlow gave utterance to these disgusting remarks:

Some gentlemen, not through any unkind feeling toward me, but through a mistaken appreciation of my motives, have said that we were afraid of the negro suffrage question and sought to dodge it. Why, I should feel disgraced now and forever, if I felt doubtful on any subject of national concern. I never was claimed on both sides of any question, and never intend to be.--While I am satisfied with what has been done, I am the advocate of negro suffrage and of impartial suffrage. [Great applause, including 'three cheers for Brownlow.'] I would sooner be elected to any office under heaven by loyal negroes than by disloyal white men. [Applause.] I would sooner associate in private life wite a loyal negro than with a disloyal white man. I would sooner be buried in a negro grave yard than in a rebel grave yard. [Applause.] If I have after death to go either to hell or heaven, I shall prefer to go with loyal negroes to hell than with traitors to heaven.

Mr. Calvin Pepper, of Virginia, said that "the fate of the loyal South depended upon universal suffrage. He denied the right of a State to disfranchise any portion of its citizens." Mr. Williams "was on the broad platform of universal suffrage." General B. F. Butler declared:

"Had the negro not been armed, the result would have been quite diffrent. We armed him with the musket when he was fit to use it; shall we not arm him with the ballot? There is a prejudice against the negro on the question of labor. Then the labor-saving machinery was introduced into England, the laboring classes rose and destroyed it, because they thought it would take away the work that brought them bread.

Suppose we were only looking for expediency. The States must come back. We want a loyal constituency in those States. Where will they come from? As a matter of self-protection, as a matter of economy, the negro must have a vote."

And to cap the climax, the report fo the Committee on unreconstructed States, which was adopted just before the adjournment declares as follows:

"We affirm that the loyalists of the South look to Congress with affectionate gratitude and confidence as the only means to save them from persecution, exile and death itself. And we also declare that there can be no security for us or our children--there can be no safety for the country agaisnt the fell spirit of slavery now organized in the form of serfdom, unless the government, by national and appropriate legislation enforced by national authority, shall confer on every citizen of the States of the American birth-right of impartial suffrage and equality before the law. This is the one all-sufficient remedy. This is our great need and pressing necessity."

The official report of the proceedings in forms us that "the paragraph in reference to universal suffrage was enthusiastically cheered," and it was finally adopted, amidst great applause, by an immense majority.

In view of these declarations, intelligent men can no longer doubt that negro suffrage and negro equality is an issue in the coming election. John W. Geary walked in the same procession with Fred. Douglass and shared with him the applause of the radical bystanders. He sat side by side with him, by resolution of the Convention, in a position assigned to distinguished visitors. He wa present and listened without a disssenting word to his harangue in favor of the complete equality of the races, and doubtless joined in the "great applause," and was one of those who "shook the orator by the hand."--Carlisle Vounteer.

They mean that Congress shall enforce Negro Equality.

The Republican party of Pennsylvania declare tht the proposed amendments to the Constitution, as presented by Congress, constitute their platform. Their grand effort in the campaign now progressing has been to induce the masses of this State to believe that it is for their interest to vote to keep the Southern State out of the Union until these amendments are ratified and adopted by them.

What is proposed to be done by these amendments? What do they mean in plain English? What will be the effect of their adoption. These are questions now being asked by the masses. Here in Pennsylvania an attempt has been made to deceive the people. Republican orators and newspapers have interpreted the wrongly.--They have denied that that they mean negro suffrage and negro equality.

Fortunately all such assertions have been proved to be naked lies by the very highest Republican authority. The National Republican Committee has issued an address to the American people. We presume it will be published by every republican newspaper in the State. If it is, the masses will have no longer any difficulty in determinng the exact meaning, purpose and intent of the proposed amendments. They are definded by this, the highest Republican authority known, in the following language:

1.ALL PERSONS BORN OR NATURALIZED IN THIS COUNTRY ARE HENCEFORTH CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, AND SHALL ENJOY ALL THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS EVERMORE; AND NO STATE SHALL HVAE POWER TO CONTRAVENE THIS MOST RIGHTEOUS AND NECESSARY PROVISION.

2. WHILE THE STATES CLAIM AND EXERCISE THE POWER OF DENYING ELECTIVE FRANCHISE OT A PART OF THEIR PEOPLE THE WEIGHT OF EACH STATE IN THE UNION SHALL BE MEASURED BY AND BASED UPON ITS ENFRANCHISED POPULATION. IF ANY STATE SHALL CHOOSE, FOR NO CRIME, TO DENY POLITICAL RIGHTS TO ANY RACE OR CASTE, IT MUST NO LONGER COUNT THAT RACE OR CASTE AS A A BAISS OF POLTIICAL POWER IN THE UNION.

CONGRESS SHALL HAVE POWER TO ENFORCE THESE GUARANTEES BY APPROPRIATE LEGISLATION.

Such in plain English and in the exact language of the Republican National Committee, are the proposed amendments to the Cosntittuion of the United Stats.

The first declares that "all persons born or naturalized in this country are henceforth citizens of the United States, AND SHALL ENJOY ALL THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS EVERMORE."

The other clauses impose penalties on any State which does not immediately confer upon negroes "all rights of citizens for evermore."

Such are these amendments as compressed into a nut shell by the highest authority known to the Republican party

Are they sufficiently plain now? Do the people need more light? Can any man deny that negro suffrage is an issue in the present campaign in Pennsylvania, and that the Radical leaders are resolved to force the people to accept the odious doctrine of entire and perfect negro equality?

The result of the elections in Vermont and Maine has emboldened the radical leaders. They have thrown off the last of their disguise and now plainly avow their real intentions.

They beleive they have the power by menas of fraud and corruption to carry the election in Pennsylvania. They rely upon the passions and prejudices of those who have heretofore acted with theim, and expect them to vote blindly for Geary and the entire radical ticket. In this they will be disappointed. The great mass of the citiznes of the State are Conservative. The white men of Pennsylvania will not vote to maek the negro their equal, and to confer teh power on Congress to enforce such an odious condition. Multitudes have already repudiated these infamous fanatics, and now that they have completely thrown off the mask, the desertions from their ranks will be more numerous than ever.

This authoritative statement of their designs comes in good in good time. Let it be spread broadcast among the people, and the result will be such a rebuke to the Radicals as was never administered to any political party.--Lancaster Intelligencer.

The time must come soon when all men, regardles of color, or race must be equal in every respect."--Wm. H. Koontz, at Johnstown, Aug. 10th, 1866.

"Entertaining very clear adn definite opinions on the subject, I do not hesitate to state that I beleive the true solution of all our complications and the lasting protection of our free institutions is to CONFER IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE UPON AMERICAN CITIZENS OF WHATEVER CREED, COLOR, OR NOTORITY." John W. Forney, at Lebanon, June 25th, 1866.

"We armed the negro with the musket when he was fit to use it; SHALL WE NOT ARM HIM WITH THE BALLOT. AS A MATTER OF SELF PROTECTION, AS A MATTER OF ECONOMY, THE NEGRO MUST HAVE A VOTE."--Ben Butler, at Mulatto Disunion Convention, Sept. 7th, 1866.

"THERE CAN BE NO SAFETY FOR THE COUNTRY, UNLESS THE GOVERNMENT, BY NATURAL AND APPROPRIATE LEGISLATION, ENFORCED BY NATIONAL AUTHORITY, SHALL CONFER ON EVERY CITIZEN IN THE STATES WE REPRE,SENT THE AMERICAN BIRTHRIGHT OF IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE AND EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW!"--Address of the Mulatto Disunion Convention, at Philadelphia, Sept. 7th, 1866.

"Referring to the appearance, in the procession, of Fred. Douglass linked With Theodore Tilton, he said he felt as if the sunlight of Heaven glowed on his head brighter than before. He would be prouder, by far, to march in the same procession with Fred. Douglass than with Andy Johnson."--Gov. Yates, of Illinois, at Mulatto Convention in Philadelphia.

"No man shall be the next President of the United States who does not ask permission of the negro."--The New York Independent, edited by Tilton who escorted Fred. Douglass into the Mulatto Convention, arm in arm.

"I am the advocate of negro suffrage adn impartial suffrage; IF I HAVE AFTER DEATH TO GO EITHER TO HELL OR HEAVEN, I SHALL PREFER TO GO WITH LOYAL NEGROES TO HELL THAN WITH TRAITORS TO HEAVEN."--Parson Brownlow, at the Mulatto Convention.

"Unless we (the Republicans) get a two thirds majority in the next Congress I will not hold my self responsible, if there will be ANOTHER CIVIL war, and into that war I will go myself, grey headed as I am."--Senator Bigham, at Somerset, Aug 28th, 1866.

"When the question of negro suffrage comes up, as it sill probably in three or four years, I SHALL BE READY TO MEET IT AND I WILL SAY I AM NOT PREPARED TO DENY THE RIGHT OF VOTING TO THE COLORED MAN."--John W. Geary, at Lochiel Iron Works.

"When I look around this assemblage and feel that around me are fellow soldiers, who have borne arms with me from the first battle of Bull Run, not one or two from a regiment, as was the case at Harrisburg, (Democratic Soldiers state Convention) Shysters and Cowards, Skulkers and Hospital Bummers. I know such is the fact, for I have driven them from the army myself.--They say they are going to elect Hiester Clymer."--John W. Geary, at York, August 1st 18

On Sunday morning last the body of a newly-born infant was found in a privy in that portion of our borough known as "Wolffstown." It appears that in a few days since a colored woman named Harriet Rust or Rusk, came to this place from Shippensburg on a visit, and on Sunday morning went into the privy in which the body was found, and after remaing about half an hour or more came out.--Something in her boquet excited suspicion and an examination of the premises was made when teh body was found but with life extinct. An inquest was held and a post mortem examination made which developed the fact that the child was born alive. The child was fully developed, well formed and nearly white, evidently the progeny of practical miscegenation. The woman is now in jail.