Valley Spirit

The bitter violence with the Radicals all over the country are assailing President Johnson, as a "traitor," and classing him with Jefferson Davis, is intended to fire the popular heart, and prepare the way for a forcible ejection of the President from his office. If the Radicals carry the Congressional elections this fall, an impeachment will follow as soon as they can settle among themselves the grounds of proceeding. A New York delegate to the so-called Loyalists' Convention at Philadelphia, Mr. Thos. J. Sizer, of Buffalo, who shares the feelings and the secrets, but not the cunning, of his party, offered, on Tuesday, the following resolution:

Resolved, That in view of the probable impeachment of a high officer of the United States government, it would be exceedingly improper, unconstitutional, and dangerous to have twenty members of the Senate designated, in effect, by the President of the United States.

It is here declared that the Southern Senators must not be admitted, because their admission would obstruct the success of "the probable impeachment" of Mr. Honson. This resolution was not passed, only because the Republican leaders are too crafty to alarm the country by so forma an avowal of their intentions. But all their diatribes, and the whole spirit they manifest show that they are preparing for and expecting a new civil war. If they are beaten in the Congressional elections, their courage will be broken and they will not dare to proceed. to be sure, they would still have strength enough to impeach the President, as the present Congress does not go out until the 4th of next March. But the impeachment by the House, and the trial by the Senate, would consume nearly the whole of the three months' session, and the sentence of deposition would hardly be declared before the body passing it would be defunct. The President would not submit. He would immediately call an extra session of the new Congress, which would treat the impeachment as null, and continue to recognize Mr. Johnson as President. An impeachment would, therefore be futile unless the Radicals elect the next Congress.

One of the Radical schemes for getting rid of the President is to pass a law forbidding the participation of the South in federal elections, and depose the President of refusing to execute it. This scheme is disclosed by Mr. Tremaine, the President of the Republican State Convention, who said, in his speech at Syracuse on Wednesday:

If the South reject the offers of the Union party, I assume that Congress of 1868 will, like the Congress of 1864, pass a law declaring that the insurgent States shall not have their electoral votes, nor will such votes be counted, and in such case they will not be counted. I assume further that while this law remains in force it will be executed, and that, if the Southern States should attempt to voice in defiance of it, the President, who will be bound to execute the law, will arrest such an illegal and revolutionary proceeding. From the President's has to denounce the Louisiana Convention as an illegal assembly, although it was not held in violation of any law, I can not doubt that he will prevent any election or meeting of the Presidential electors which shall be prohibited by an act of Congress. If, contrary to my assumption, President Johnson shall refuse to perform this plain duty, I assume further that other constitutional means will be employed to execute the laws. Again I assume that any attempt by the South to trample such a law under foot would unite the North, and that the South, standing alone, would not obtain that majority which would be wanted as a pretext for taking possession of the government, and in either of these cases the scheme would fall; and as to a second rebellion, why, if these gentlemen are not satisfied with their experience in the first, let them try the second. Yes, let them try it. At the first tap of the drum, an army composed of veteran troops capable of overcoming all opposition, would come to the rescue, and, adopting the President's opinion, that traitors must be punished, soldiers would proceed to punish them. And I assume further that this time it would be effectually done--done without the intervention of President or Congress, court, jury or military commission. We tender these people the olive branch, but if they will not have it so, they can have the sword.

True, here is no direct mention of impeaching the President; but as it cannot be supposed that he would allow the army to be used for such purposes as Mr. Tremaine describes, it is plain that the Radicals are planning to make his place vacant, and create a new Commander-in-Chief, before the expiration of his term.

Senators Yates, of Illinois, in one of his speeches at Philadelphia, also made a threat of military violence:

Governor Yates, commenced by declaring his amazement that the accidental successor of the great and good Lincoln should have turned traitor to the high principles on which he had been elected, and betrayed the loyal millions who had conferred upon him such a high and distinguished honor. He would apply to President Johnson the language of an amiable Illinois judge to a man who had been convicted before him of murder: "Mr. Smith, it is my duty to pronounce sentence upon you. It is a painful duty, but the law requires me fix some time when you shall be hanged. Now, Mr. Smith, I want to know when it will suit you to be hanged?" Illinois, he said, had raised two hundred and fifty thousand troops to battle in the cause of the country, and was now prepared to raise five hundred thousand more to finish the same good work.

Governor Brownlow, in reply to the serenade given him in Philadelphia, on Friday night of last week, breathed out threatenings and slaughter in the following infuriated strains:

But I say to you in all candor, and with the knowledge of what I am saying and the use that may be made of it, that if the wicked spirit of the South, the rebellions combined with the treachery and copperheadism of the North, shall bring upon this country another civil war, and force you gentlemen to leave your homes and families to invade the South and put down a second rebellion, I want to have something to say about the division of your forces the next time. I would divide your army into three grand divisions. Let the first go armed and equipped as the laws of the army require, and with small arms and artillery.--Let them be the largest division, and let them do the killing. Let the second division be armed with pine torches and spirits of turpentine, and le them do the burning. Let the third and last division be armed with surveyors' compasses and chains, and we will survey out the land and settle it.--We will first sell it out, to pay the expenses of the war with the proceeds, and then settle it with men who will honor this glorious banner (Great applause.) These are my sentiments.

It would be easy to extend such quotations to almost any length, but our space allows us to add only the following from Forney's Philadelphia Press, of yesterday. He is speaking of President Johnson and thinks the Radicals are already rife for another civil war:

And whatever he intends, a coup d' etat or a coup de grace, he will be accommodated to a fair trial, [UNCLEAR] of his experiment and himself. The American people were never in so rare a humor to deal with a new rebel or a new civil war.

It is clear from these atrocious menaces that, under the reckless Radical incendiaries are sternly rebuked by the people, we are on the brink of another civil war, by which the country will be deluged with horrors such as it has never witnessed.--We implore all virtuous, peace-loving citiznes to consider the gravity of the existing situation.--New York World of the 7th inst.

COL. McCLURE has the effrontery now, or base partizan purposes to advise honest citizens to do what he believes, and has declared to be, illegal and unconstitutional.--He has sunk his manhood. He has given the lie to his profession and candor and honesty. He has condescended to practice deception upon the men of his party who look to him for honest counsel. It seems strange indeed that for the purpose of attaining political ends, men will sometimes "throw conscience to the dogs" and become as unscrupulous as the Devil himself.--Spirit

The above is a specimen of the Spirit's legal argument in answer to our declaration that election officers cannot determine the constitutionality of a law. The chief editor of this paper has uniformly, in and out of the Legislature, demanded obedience to all laws until they are formally decided to be invalid by the proper tribunal.

We have heretofore said that the act of the Legislature relating to the votes of deserters is dependent, judicially speaking, upon the act of Congress, but we have no right for that reason to assume to nullify it.

The act of the Legislature has never been judicially questioned, and until it is so questioned, there is no election board or other body of men competent to set it aside. If one law can be set aside by an election board, any man can with equal propriety assume to disregard any law that does not please him.

When the Spirit can show that we have ever been inconsistent, or ever advised anything else than obedience to all laws, it will use more reputable and logical arguments than the foregoing specimen of billingegate.--Repository

The above is the Repository's reply to our article, two weeks ago, on the deserter question. We give it entire to show our readers what an artful dodger the chief editor of the Repository is. What do you think of it honest men of Franklin county?

He says, "we have heretofore said that the act of the Legislature is dependant, judicially speaking, upon the act of Congress." Well now, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has decided, "judicially speaking," in the case of Huber vs Reilly, that the act of Congress "means that the forfeiture which it prescribes, like all other penalties for desertion, must be adjudged to the convicted person after a trial by court-martial and sentence approved. FOR THE CONVICTION AND SENTENCE OF SUCH A COURT THERE CAN BE NO SUBSTITUTE.

Again the Court says: "The plaintiff not having been convicted of desertion and failure to return to the service, or fail to report to a Provost Marshal, and not having been sentenced for the penalties and forfeitures of the law, WAS ENTITLED TO VOTE."

Now the act of the Legislature being "dependant" on the act of Congress, and the act of Congress being judicially interpreted as above, by the highest Court in the State, we ask the editor of the Repository in all seriousness, whether that decision is not now THE LAW? A plain yes or no will suffice. We pause for a reply.

The trial of Josiah H. Brown, D. M. Betts and D. H. Yeager, Election Board of Snowshoe township, for illegally refusing the vote of John Dayton, at the October election in 1865, resulted in the conviction of Brown and Betts, and the acquittal of Yeager, the Court having instructed the jury that they could not convict the latter on the evidence.

The facts of the case, as given in evidence on the trial, are about as follows: John Dayton, a man of foreign birth, presented himself at the window at the October election in 1865, offering his ballot in one hand and his naturalization paper and a receipt for taxes in the other. He was challenged by one of the board as a deserter, as he had been absent from the township during one of the drafts. They refused to allow him to vote until he would take an oath that he had not left the township to avoid the draft. Mr. Dayton refused to do this and his vote was rejected. Mr. Yeager protesting against the action of the Board and being overruled by his companions. Mr. Orvis assisted the District Attorney in the prosecution, and Mr. M'Allister conducted the defense. The jury were out but a short time, when they returned with a verdict of guilty as to Brown and Betts, and not guilty as to Yeager.

The attention of the State officials at Harrisburg who are sending out lists of "alleged deserters" and instructing their political friends in the various election boards throughout the State not to permit these persons to vote, is called to this trial and conviction. It covers the whole ground and is sustained by the principles laid down by the Supreme Court of the State in a kindred case. Election officers have no right to sit in judgement upon deserters. If a man is challenged upon that ground, the challenging party must produce legal evidence that the person offering to vote has been tried and convicted of the offense before a proper tribunal. If such proof is not submitted and the vote is rejected, the officers are liable to arrest and punishment, as was the case with the parties in Centre Country. That is now settled as the law, and there should be no attempt to prevent legal voters from depositing their ballots.--If there is, those making it will suffer the consequences of their illegal and unlawful acts. The freemen of Pennsylvania have determined to vote at the coming election and they will be prepared to exercise that right at all hazards.

The "party of great moral ideas" wound up their pow-wow on Monday evening with general rioting. Between nine and ten o'clock, a large party, composed principally of Greencastle rowdies, under the leadership of "Gil." Rowe, without any provocation, assaulted with stones the Washington House and the residence of T. B. Kennedy, Esq. Most of the front windows of the Washington House were knocked in, and the doors and window frames badly battered, whilst Mr. Sellers, the proprietor, received several severe blows while endeavoring to close the shutters to protect himself against the rage of the infuriated fields [UNCLEAR]. Mr. Kennedy was standing on the corner of Second and Market when the stoning commenced, and so think and fast did the stones fly that he could only reach his house by a circuitous rout to the rear of his grounds. One stone stuck Mr. Sellers on the arm, rendering it entirely powerless.

We understand that legal proceedings will be instituted against the ring-leaders in the riot, in order that the guilty wretches may be brought to merited punishment.

We would simply remark in this connection that it is high time that this spirit of lawlessness on the part of the Radical faction should cease. The Democratic party has resolved that it shall cease. If no other remedy will cure these outlaws. they will inscribe on their banners, "an eye for an eye a tooth for a tooth"--and house for house. Property holders take warning. A word to the wise should be sufficient.

We are informed that a certain little, smiling man, living about six miles from town and who is a candidate on the tail end of the Republican county ticket, is busily engaged going through the county among a certain class of people, and telling them that the Democratic party is "in favor of repudiating the national debt and assuming the payment of the rebel debt." For the benefit of this sneaking falsifier, we subjoin the second of the series of resolutions passed by the Democratic State Convention which nominated Hiester Clymer for Governor, and the eighth of the series passed by the late Philadelphia National Union Convention, both of which are unanimously endorsed by the Democratic party:

2d. That the faith of the republic is pledged to the payment of the National debt, and Congress should pass all laws necessary for that purpose.

8th. While we regard as utterly invalid and never to be assumed, or made of blinding force, any obligation incurred or undertaking in making war against the United States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable; and we proclaim our purpose, in discharging this as informing all other national obligations, to maintain unimpaired and unimpeached the honor and faith of the Republic.

Will this sneaking hypocrite have the honor and the manliness to read the above resolutions to the persons he has been attempting to deceive? They are the authoritative expositions of the views of the Democratic party on that question. If he is, what he pretends to be, an honorable and christian man, he will do it. We shall see.

The Southern "loyal" Negro Suffrage and Negro Equality Convention which had been advertised to meet in Philadelphia, assembled in that city on the 3d instant, in the National Hall. The whole number of delegates in attendance is reported at three hundred and nine-two. James Speed, late Att'y Gen. of the United States, of Kentucky, was chosen permanent Chairman, with a Vice President and Secretary from each of the Southern States. At the same time there met in Philadelphia, a number of delegates from all the Northern States, aiders and abettors of the negro worshippers from the South. They expected to be allowed to participate in the convention, but they were snubbed by being refused admittance.

She session was terminated on Friday.--The proceedings were stormy and on more than one occasion the convention was on the point of breaking up in a row. Among the delegates in attendance from New York, was Fred Douglass, the negro, who was received and treated as an equal on all occasions. In the procession which went to the Hall of Independence, where the Southern delegates were formulary received, he walked with a white man, and he was cheered as he passed through the streets. The same night he was invited to visit the Union League, when he and Theodore Tilton of the Independent , walked up the steps and entered the building arm in arm. He was a distinguished guest at the League rooms during his stay in Philadelphia where he hob nobbed with Governor Curtin and lesser lights, and now and then enlightened them with a speech. After this, how can the radicals deny that they are not in favor of negro equality social and political.

The great bone of contention in the Convention was the question of negro suffrage. The border-State men opposed it bitterly, saying that they had not come there to commit suicide; while the delegations from the non-reconstructed States advocated it strenuously. The Convention was largely in favor of it, but it was opposed on the ground that it would injure them at the polls this fall. The Telegraph of Thursday evening says on this subject:

It was generally conceded, as we announced in our fifth edition yesterday, that the friends of unconditional suffrage would find themselves in the minority in the Convention. A large majority of the delegates were heartily in favor of the measure when they arrived in town. But since then the anti-suffrage men of the Northern and Border States had been so earnestly at work that they stood a good chance of carrying the day in the end. A majority of the Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri delegates are fully committed against placing the ballot in the hands of the negro at the present time, their only forcible argument begin that it would cause the defeat of the Anti-Administration party in the coming elections. A majority of the delegates from Alabama and Arkansas have also yielded to this election pressure, and with their accession to their forces it is almost certain the anti-suffrage men will triumph. The result would have been entirely different if Philadelphia had not been crowded during the sittings of the convention with politicians from every quarter of the North.

On Wednesday evening, quite a serious difficulty took place at the League house where the delegates met. It almost ended in a melee, as pistols and knives were drawn and the intercession of friends only prevented them from being used. The session of Thursday was very stormy. A fierce debate sprung up on the adoption of the resolutions and address. The delegates from the non-reconstructed States insisting that they were not strong enough--that negro suffrage should be endorsed out and out, which the Border State men would not agree to. Policy dictated a compromise, even against the sense of the Convention, and the advocates of negro suffrage were to be permitted to report another address to embrace their favorite dogma. The men who were opposed to committing the Convention to this doctrine, were among the most outspoken in its favor.

Senator Willey of West Virginia, said:

"Negro suffrage is no bug bear to me. In my place in the Senate of the United States I [UNCLEAR] ground in favor of negro suffrage.--I am heart and hand in securing impartial suffrage in the Southern States."

Parson Brownlow was still more outspoken in his sentiments. He said:

"While I am satisfied with what has been done, I am the advocate of negro suffrage and of impartial suffrage (Great applause including "three cheers for Brownlow."] I would sooner be elected to any office under heaven by loyal negroes than by disloyal white men. [Applause.] I would sooner associate in private life with a loyal negro than a disloyal white man. I would sooner be buried in a negro graveyard than a rebel graveyard. [Applause.] If I have after death to go either to hell or to heaven, I shall prefer to go with loyal negroes to hell than with traitors to heaven."

At the evening session there were only about sixty members present, less than a quorum, when the convention adjourned until the morrow.

The address is one of the most bitter and ferocious documents we ever read. It is simply a bill of indictment against President Johnson, charging him with every conceivable crime, and there is scarcely a paragraph that is not devoted to his denunciation.--Neither God nor man will smile upon such a platform or the party that stands upon it.

With the exception of those from the Border States the delegates represented nobody but themselves. The Convention had no significance whatever except to disgust the public with the display made of negro equality, social and political. We have a right to believe that the Almighty frowns upon their blasphemous proceedings, from the fact that He gave their chief place of meeting to the flames immediately upon the conclusion of their orgies. The speeches were of the most inflammable kind and appear to have been made with a view to prepare the public mind for the revolutionary course they have marked out.

A noticeable feature in the proceedings was the many allusions to the impeachment of the President, which were always received with great applause. One member from New York offered a distinct resolution on the subject, which sets forth that inasmuch as the President is to be impeached, it is improper that twenty Senators shall be submitted from the South. These men mean to do this thing if they can carry the fall elections. Let them elect a majority in next Congress, and the President will be impeached and deposed just as soon as it can be done. This will lead to civil war.--We ask our radical fellow citizens to ponder well before they cast their votes for a party that will drench the country in a fraternal blood. After the polls are closed it will be too late to prevent it--now is the time to do it.--Doylestown Democrat.

That the Radicals are looking forward to another civil war there is every reason to believe. The more indiscreet men among them give expression to this design. They are determined not to yield up the power they have so villainously abused without the most desperate struggle. Forney advocates arming the negroes of the South. In the Chronicle he says:

"It cannot be expected that the State governments (South) will organize on any basis the loyal black militia. Congress must therefore take the matter in hand. The black militia can be organized into separate companies and regiments."

This proposed arming of the negroes is part and parcel of a deep laid scheme to precipitate the country into into one another war which will be infinitely more terrible than that through which the country has passed. The only safety for this country is to be sought in the overthrow of the Radical fanatics who are thus endeavoring to precipitate a war of races. The arming of the negroes of the South would inevitably lead to a collision and to the enactment of scenes of horror from which every friend of humanity would turn away with loathing and terror. The people must exert their whole power in this coming election if they would save the country from renewed disaster. every radical elected to Congress will be fuel added to the fire of revolution now smoldering, and the election of General Geary would prove a national calamity which could not be repaired. We beseech all thoughtful men to pause on the brink of the precipice, and to lend their aid to save the nation from the peril which is impending. If the Radicals succeed in their designs they will give the negroes the right to vote, and will put arms in their hands to enable them to domineer over the white race. Are the people of Pennsylvania ready to aid in such a scheme? If they are, let them vote for Geary and for Radical candidates for Congress and the State Legislature.--Lancaster Intelligencer.

To the Republicans of Franklin County:

It is a sufficient apology to address you, however repugnant to me to appear in print that the distracted and fearful condition of our common country demands that her patriotic citizens should calmly and dispassionately reason together how to close the chasm that has been created by the tremendous and bloody civil war through which we have passed.

It is now sixteen months since the war has closed and we find to-day the country more distracted, more sectional hate, more animosity, not only among the southern people but among the people at the north, than has been since the formation of the government. Why is this, while we are at peace with all the world that we cannot be at peace with ourselves? It should be the pride, as well as the duty of American citizens to promote the peace, wealth, prosperity and honor of our glorious country. God has chosen this country and government for his own purpose, to give homes, liberty and happiness to the oppressed and impoverished of all nations, and exalted her its Capernaum, should we by our dissentions and party strifes cast her from her lofty pinnacle, and dismember her into contemptible fragments and destroy the last hope of Democratic, Republican Liberty on earth.

The questions that now divide and distract the country are few and vital--the status, [UNCLEAR] of the States lately in rebellion, and congressional representation. We know that secession is a heresy in the political body. That doctrine has been settled by the sword. We know the South formed a confederate government, and maintained it by force of arms, with valor, determination and pertinacity, thus causing the greatest contest in the history of the world, until their armies were subdued and themselves [UNCLEAR] in the dust by the force of the national government. We also know that they were accorded belligerent rights by foreign governments hostile in the peace, liberty and unity of the States. The fact of having belligerent rights accorded to them by foreign and no wise friendly governments did not make them alien public enemies, or dissever this Union no more than if they had warred themselves against us to divide or take part in our territory and failed to do it. Mr. Lincoln never acknowledged them as having belligerent rights nor as States out of the Union. We exchanged prisoners to be sure, but it was for the sake of humanity, to alleviate the sufferings of our prisoners in their hands.--The effort of the Southern States to dissolve their contract with their sister States without their consent did not relieve them of their obligations to the Federal Union and their inability to dissever that connection by force of arms and destroy the Constitution that was still binding on them as well as us, and the power of the federal government to prevent their going out and committing political suicide certainly does not change their status as States in the Union, no more than the prevention of a suicide destroys his contracts or his rights of property. Mr. Lincoln and both houses of Congress designated them as States in rebellion and by acts of Congress declared that the war was waged for the unity of the government and enforcement of its laws, and when that was accomplished the war ought to cease.

The next question that presents itself is the rehabiliment of the States. The States upon the surrender of their armies and submission to the Constitution and laws surrendered their theory of secession, and were ready to resume their positions in the government. The President as commander-in-chief of the army, victor and conservator of the public peace required the abolishment of slavery (the ostensible cause of the war) in remodeling their State Constitutions now in accordance with a republican form of government. They have now resumed their positions as States in the Union and Congress so regarded them in submitting constitutional amendment to their respective Legislatures for ratification.

Congress has no more to do with them but to judge the qualifications of its members, each house for itself. Why, if Thaddeus Stevens contends that they were alien, public enemies and the States out of the Union and are conquered provinces, why, I ask, does he desire to submit to their legislatures any amendment for their ratification? I would say he places himself in an unenviable position. First he acknowledges the Southern States as States in the Union, and then secession a success. That they are in the Union for ratification and out of the Union for tyrannical legislation. That secession annulled their contract with the federal government, did take them out of the Union, when all the world knows that we held them firmly in the Union by the folds of the great Anaconda. Such logic is a legal anomaly. I cannot understand Mr. Stevens' interpretation. I suppose because he is a great lawyer and I, a plain farmer. Mr. Stevens' doctrine is fatal heresy as here applied. If the secession of the States annulled their relationship with the federal government, then we have no right to complain, and that places Mr. Lincoln as one of the worst tyrants incarnate in waging such a stupendous war to controvert that doctrine.

Now fellow Republicans, if secession is a heresy, if disunion has not been effected by force of arms, if the States in rebellion have returned to the federal government, and having acknowledged their allegiance to the Constitution, and remodeled their State Constitution in accordance thereto, what right in the name of common sense has Congress to refuse their admission to a participation in the government an equality with the other States in accordance with plain letter of the Constitution that guarantees the equality of the States? What right has Congress to hold the Southern States in abeyance until they ratify a constitutional amendment odious to their people? From whence to they get power to interfere in State matters? There is no provision in the Constitution providing such power. There are no precedents in the history of our country to warrant such usurpation. It is a departure from the theory of our government of States in unity. It is contrary to the plain letter of the Constitution that all powers not delegated to the government are reserved to the States. It is a departure from the teaching of the fathers of the Republic that the people should be jealous of their liberty and watch the disposition to centralization and despotism. Republicans, you must recollect that John W. Forney, the organ of the radicals foreshadowed this policy in the commencement of the war. He advocated a strong government, and said the American people would not again find themselves feeble and impotent as they did, that the Constitution must be changed to suit the times.

We now see [UNCLEAR] a radicalization of the programme of the radicals in the animosity, malignity, and sectional hate engendered among the people to alienate, distract, divide and destroy, to further the schemes of their unholy lusts of spoils and of power.

Me thinks I see the noble ship of state in the open sea, just emerging from the tempest of fire and hail--with her banner all shattered, bearing aloft the emblems of her country's glory and liberty--the glorious flag of red, white and blue, with thirty-six stars gleaming in the light of Heaven as the beacon light to tell us of her safety. As she approaches nearer in her majesty, throwing aside the angry billows that dash harmless against her iron clad sides, I see her decks yet streaming with the blood of heroic defenders. I see the Illustrious Admiral Farragut at the steerage, the brave Lieutenant General Grant at the helm and Andrew Johnson the captain of the ship, "God bless him," with the chart of our country in his right hand, and a figure beautiful in imagination--the Goddess of Liberty--at his left, coronetted with a golden crown, decked with thirty-six diamonds dazzling to the eye as the sun poured down its transparent light; a wreath of emerald beauty encircling her temple, and upon that was inscribed in letters of light, the UNION AND THE CONSTITUTION, ONE AND INSEPARABLE, NOW AND FOREVER. Her breast was covered with a brazen shield with the inscription writen thereon with a diamond pen, refulgent with a halo of glory such alone as God can give VIRTUE, LIBERTY AND INDEPENDENCE. I stood upon the shore, I saw her beauty, I admired her noble bearing--I gloried in her strength: I could hear the hilarity of her tars as she was drawing near her mooring. When lo! ah! what do I hear?--the Captain cries ahoy boys! ahoy the maelstrom! the maelstrom!! Quickly the steersman flew to the compass, the pilot to the helm, the tars to the rigging, the crew to their posts. Do I hear excited language of mutiny, or discordant counsels. No, No, but the air rings with shouts of her undaunted crews; the excited ear catches the accents as borne along the balmy current, survive or perish, sink or swim, we will never forsake thee.

CONSERVATIVE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN.

(To be continued next week.)