Valley Spirit

We are enabled at length to present to our readers the official result of the election held in this State on the second Tuesday of October last. It seems strange that the people of the State were compelled to wait seven weeks for official information of the results of that election. In other States the information is promptly furnished by the officials; but in Pennsylvania, for the past several years, the State Department deemed it necessary to withhold it as long as possible. Why this is so appears inexplicable. The Harrisburg Telegraph complains, that though having had a table of returns, copied form the records in the State Department, a week since, the Secretary M. Slifer, peremptorily refused to allow it to leave his department for publication, and that paper was obliged to copy the table from the Philadelphia papers.

Recapitulation

The total vote for Auditor General is 454,140, which is 118,562 less than the heavy vote for President in 1860. Hartranft's vote is 57,991 less than Lincoln's, and Davis' 60,576 less than McClellan's, the decline in each party being nearly the same.

It is always difficult to forecast the future, and financial predictions are especially unreliable. In this country, more than any other, has it been found impossible to estimate results yet to be attained by anything we know of the past; and thus the most far-sighted have found themselves utterly at fault in their judgment. Just now the financial problem takes precedence of the political, in the minds of most thoughtful persons; and there is no more anxiety in reference to it than is generally confessed. A great variety of theories have been proclaimed, and each has its special advocates; but we have seen no plan of action yet proposed which had any probability of success.

One flippantly urges a resumption of specie payments, as if that were simply a method of progression, and not the very result toward the attainment of which all means are to be directed. Another suggests a further issue of national currency, without pausing to consider that, as a remedy for existing difficulties, this would be the application of the homeopathic principle in allopathic doses. The most common proposition, however, vaguely refers to some form of contraction as the basis of future action. The changes are rung on this theme until the oft-repeated phrase becomes so current that many adopt it as the probably solution of the whole difficulty. Indeed, it is gravely announced from Washington, as if by authority, that the government has determined to exert all its force to reduce the volume of the currency, and thus advance by constant, if not rapid steps, toward the desired consummation

All this only disturb the public mind, and misleads those who put their faith in such assertions. The country ought never to have had the paper money inflation, and our readers need to be told that we have steadily opposed it from its first inception. But the best method of removing the evil is not so apparent. Those who think that it can be done without a systematic struggle which shall tax the endurance of the nation to the utmost, can have no proper appreciation of the magnitude of the burden, or the extent of its vital relations.

It is easy to speak of contraction, but who is to inaugurate it? Not the mass of the people, surely, for they must be the first to suffer, and few are willing to invite present pain in the hope of such an uncertain reward. We posted at this years ago, when the inflation was undertaken, with the promise that the moment the unnatural stimulus had served its purpose, the people would return to instant sobriety. We shoed then, what is proven now, that no inebriate ever voluntarily relinquished the cup while it was possible for him to carry it to his lips. No! The pressure must come altogether from the outside before the penance can begin. The return from this mad race is only to be made by a wearisome path, where every step will be marked with pain. Whence can this pressure come?

The answer is ready on many lips: The Secretary of the Treasury must lead the people back. B But can he? In nearly all that is written on this subject, it is taken for granted that if the government only has the disposition, is has the ability to adopt this measure at once. But a little examination will show that if the head of the Treasury were reckless of consequences, he has no the power to control the future of financial affairs. He must meet his pecuniary engagements, and any persistence in an arbitrary course would paralize his efforts. Even with the utmost care and caution he cannot afford to disturb the market in which he must be a borrower for years to com. Within three years there fall due nearly one thousand millions in Treasury paper, which must either be funded or paid. If there is any contraction, will not every holder insist on payment?

We are thus prepared to see that for some time to come neither the people nor their rulers are likely to engage voluntarily in the working contraction. If it depends on mere volition, we see no controlling will strong enough to set the work in motion, while many selfish interests are ever busy in efforts to continue the unnatural excitement. When it comes, as it must some day in spite of all that would perpetuate the inflation, it will probably come unheralded, but those certainly will not be led by human agency. All factions will unite to resist it. All who writhe under it will cry out against it. Political leaders may indeed recommend it at a safe distance, but none will be found bold enough to begin the experiment. It may come in gradual approaches, stealing its way quietly along the shrinking nerves, or it may come in sudden convulsions but it will never end the community prepared for it or ready to welcome it. Nature does a kindly work when she racks the frame in her faithful struggles to throw off a dangerous disease; but what patient ever submitted to the process without a groan?

Those who are laying their plans for the future may therefore rest assured that none of the methods of contraction, which have been suggested will be adopted voluntarily, either by he people or their representatives at Washington. All of the talk to this effect is the morest buncombe, and will lend to no corresponding action. If we could stop the present leaks in the Treasury, and bring the expenses of the government within reasonable limits, we could save several hundred millions annually to apply to the funding of the remainder, both at home and abroad, and through this policy the country might return to a safer system, without any upheaval of the foundations of credit, or the breaking down of existing financial institutions.

James J. Waddell chief of the pirate crew of the Shenandoah, is a native of Pitsboro, Catham county, N. C., and entered the the United States naval service at Portsmouth, Va., on the receiving ship Pennsylvania, in 1841, having graduated at the at the Naval Academy by "the skin of his teeth." A few months after he was shot in the him, in a duel with another midshipman. After fifteen years service afloat he was made Assistant Professor of Navigation &c., at the Naval Academy at Annapolis, Md. In 1859 he was ordered to the East India squadron, and in 1861, when the war broke out, mailed his resignation from St. Helena. His reason for resigning was given by him in a letter published by him in January, 1862, as owing to his "unwillingness to bear arms against his father's home and relatives in the seceded States." He declared explicitly that he had no property in the seceded States, that he was not hostile to the Constitution of the United States (very few of the rebels were according to their story) that he venerated the flag and wished that he might hazard life and limb in its defense against some foreign foe, like cruel, neutral old England. The true reason was that he was engaged to be married to a young lady of Annapolis, whose family was strongly inclined to be rebellious. This lady Miss Iglehart, daughter of James Iglehart, a very wealthy merchant, he married in December, 1862. This was his first overt act. His resignation was not accepted, and he stands on the navy register of 1862 as "dismissed." In February, 1862, after having taken the oath of allegiance, and while on parole not to leave Annapolis he ran the blockade to Richmond and entered the rebel navy. His commission as first lieutenant in that service bears date March 27, 1862. He was assigned to duty at Drury's Bluff defenses, on James River. Subsequently he had a command in Charleston harbor, from which he ran the blockade in 1864 to take command of the Shenandoah. The date of his promotion to lieutenant commander is not known.

It is scarcely possible to overestimate the importance of the measures, to be presented to, and which must be passed upon buy the Congress which has just assembled. The whole reconstruction policy of President Johnson must undergo the scrutiny and revision of an unscrupulous and fanatical majority, and most likely a line of policy will be announced which will injuriously affect the country for many years to come. We have a right to expect that National Representatives, at this crisis, will be governed in their speeches and votes, purely by motives of public good and a patriotic desire to heal the wounds of the body politic. But in looking over the long list of fanatics in both branches of Congress, we confess that the prospects, of sound and judicious legislation look dark enough. We shall not, however, be long held in suspense on this subject, almost the first at to be done will test the fidelity of the members to their official delegations and the requirements of the Constitution, for they must immediately determine whether or not the Southern members shall be admitted to seats.

If, in that assemblage, there existed one man of the mould of John Q. Adams, we should be more hopeful that justice might obtain, for althought the Prince of Abolitionists, he was nevertheless an honest man. He was patriot enough to love his country better than party. We remember the gallant fight he made, in days of the past, for the admission of the members from New Jersey, who came there with the seal of their Commonwealth, attesting their right to seats on the floor. The Clerk, who is the mere tool of the house, insolently refused to put their names on the roll. It was then, that the "old man Eloquent" rose to his feet, and fought the battle for them. And at the same time administered a seathing and merited rebuke to the Clerk, for assuming powers which did not belong to his office.

It is quite probable that the same assumption of power will be made by the present Clerk of the House, and that he will attempt to usurp the authority to pass on the qualifications of the members from the South, to a seat on the floor, and we fear that this arrogant presumption on his part, will not, as in the case cited, be reproved, but commended.

This will afford another exemplification of the degeneracy of the times, and the difference between the men of the past and the men of the present. The first were filled with patriotic ardor and love of country, which carried them above party trammels. The latter have but one purpose--party success and spoils of office--no matter at what hazard to our institutions. Our opponents have shown such a persistent and total disregard of public law, and have elevated to power such a host of venal and corrupt men as to force upon us the conviction, that they are wholly dead to the sentiments of political virtue. Thus we have the extraordinary spectacle of a man elevated to place who received his political training, as a lobby member of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, where for many years, he picked up a precarious living in that den o thieves, by doing odd chores for the inside member, and by scribbling flatulent paragraphs for partizan sheets.

We are told, by high authority, that when the sea is in commotion it throws up "mire and dirt." In like manner, in time of great revolutions, the "scum of mankind" rise to the surface of human affairs, and by dint of mere impudence, attain to places of profit and responsibility. Amongst the many illustrations of this truth, now in existence, none affords a better example, than the rise and progress of this same Clerk of the House. Wholly destitute of merit, ability or political integrity, he is nevertheless by the grace of Abolition rule, Clerk of the House of the House of Representatives in Congress, with all its patronage, and clothed with the power to work fearful mischief. If he were a modest man withal, the tremendous weight of responsibility resting on him, might cause him to hesitate in his progress. But whilst nature has denied him modesty and fitness for the duties and responsibilities of the post, it has filled him with inordinate vanity and self-sufficiency, which will make him believe himself equal to every emergency.

In one of his speeches, Wendell Phillips, the fanatical abolitionist, expressed fears that McPherson would not seize the occasion to "immortalise" himself by refusing to enroll the Southern members. he may give his fears to the wind, the Clerk is of his own school. He is not troubled by constitutional restraints, and the "immortality" will be secured, whether of fame of infamy remains to be seen.

Besides he would not if he could, and could not if he would make any other choice. The men who have him in training know how to manage him successfully. They know how to appeal to his vanity, his party feelings, and his supidity, with irresistable power. The lure of a second term is before his eyes, and would besilder a sounder judgement, and a stronger hand than his. The puppet will be made to work as fanaticism may dictate. Nor will the Clerk let such obsolete scruples as official integrity and public justice stand between him and the "loaves and fishes."

It is in this way that McPherson, with the sanction of the political charlatans who control him, may violate the rights of States, trample the Constitution under foot, and wrong those who have no power at present to right themselves, and protract the settlement for a time, of the unnatural disputes, which divide the country, but the end of all these things must come, and may never at hand than our insolent foes imagine. When the people shall have discovered the utter incapacity of the party in power to rule rightly--a party that by their fanaticism, inaugurated a might war, caused hundreds of thousands of our fellow citizens to be slain upon the battle-field, that by their lavish expenditures of the public means, have fixed upon us the burden of an enormous public debt, and have established precedents, which in time may lead to the subversion of our liberties; when all these facts are justly appreciated by the people, the Republican Abolition party will pass into merited oblivion, or if remembered at all, it will be for the wrongs it did in its day.

When the greater portion of the Democratic party opposed the extension of the right of suffrage to the soldiers to the soldiers in the field, it was not because they believed that those gallant men were incapable of appreciated, and making proper use of the ballot, but because they believed that unscrupulous partizans would take advantage of this opportunity and seek to carry elections by the basest frauds. The sequel has shown the wisdom of that opposition.

The "Given Fraud" in Philadelphia, is an illustration on a large scale of the iniquity of abolition politicians, and the insecurity of the law extending the right of suffrage to any class of citizens outside of the limits of the Commonwealth.

The "Given Fraud," however, does not stand alone. The Democratic candidate for Senator, in the 19th Senatorial District, and the Democratic candidate for District Attorney in this county, were elected by small majorities.

The soldier vote returned before the second meeting of the Return Judges failed to change the result, and C. M. Duncan, Esq., received his certificate as Senator, and Wm. S. Stenger, Esq., received his certificate and was duly sworn into office as District Attorney.

It was too much for our immasculate Abolition friends to endure.

That all the candidates on their ticket should succeed at the polls except that prince of brainless fops and the gallant Colonel who had covered himself with glory on hard-fought battle fields, was exceedingly mortifying indeed. And that the brave Colonel who had fought for his country should be beaten in this loyal country by the man who was denounced by the Repository as "having no claims whatever on Union men"--who had been published over the State as a copperhead so vile that even General Jenkins felt it his duty to "snub him." This was "the most unkindest cut of all."

There was one way to defeat Duncan and Stenger. Political virtue hung her head; the thing must be fixed; our "boys in blue" were sill in Texas. There were battery "B" and company "A." Returns would certainly be in from that distant State. Surveyor Kuhn and Physician Suesserott swear that they believe that there was a majority of fifty for Colonel Rowe in the 77th Regiment. What mattered it to them that the Holy Word says, swear not at all> Up to the mark they marched, read the affidavit and gulped it down. Twenty "respectable" citizens certify to the same effect.

Are we to believe that Kuhn and Sueserott know that the return were in preparation of "cooking?" Somebody must have deceived them; they swear to fifty, and the cooks only prepared seventeen for Rowe. Our sympathies go out, in spite of us, towards these two men who were used as swearing machines.

Seventeen votes were returned from battery "B" against Stenger--Seventeen from this county and four from Adams county, from battery "B," and ten from company "A" against Duncan. The names of the Judges who are represented as making this return from the batter, are Daniel Stoner and Matthew McConnell. The Clerks are John Hall and James Carbaugh.

There was a poll opened in the battery on election day. Daniel Stoner, Matthew McConnell and Levi T. Robinson were the Judges, James Hallett and David H. Hafleigh were the Clerks.

The votes cast there on that day were some twenty-four or five for the State ticket and five votes for Colonel Stumbaugh. There was not a single vote cast for David McConaughy, nor for D. Watson Rowe.

Furthermore, there was never any return made of that election. The papers were never signed at all, the tickets were abandoned. The officers of the election will swear to these facts, and yet seventeen are returned for Rowe and twenty-one for McConaughy. We pause for a reply from Dr. J. L. Suesserott; we pause for a reply from Emanuel Kuhn; we pause for a reply from the twenty "respectable" citizens who signed Col Rowe's petition.

But it will be seen that John Hall and James Carbaugh, whose names are signed to these returns, were never in the Board of Election officers after all. Judges and Clerks, with one voice say that wherever their names appear upon these returns as having been signed by them, they are forged. One of the clerks swears that he can not write his own name. He is returned as a voter. He swears that he did not vote at all, and never did, because he could not sign the return. We do not suspect Suesserott and Kuhn of being concerned in this forgery--they are "honorable" men--but let this be a lesson to their pious souls--let them think hereafter before they swear, and remember that they must one day answer before the dread tribunal for the deeds done in the body. They may then cease to be machines. Four of the men returned as voters were forty miles away from the battery on the day of election.

One of the men returned as voting for McConaughy and Howe was never with the batter in Texas, but was in this county on the day of election. Six of the men returned as voters are not, and never were residents of this county. And so we might go on. Citizens of Franklin county, by such means as these do the reckless scoundrels of the Abolition party seek to thwart your will, expressed at the ballot box.

Having buried honor and common decency they seek by fraud to dispossess of their offices the men you have elected as Senator and District Attorney. It becomes the honest men of both parties--the men who do not allow political prejudices to warp their judgments and stifle their consciences, to speak out boldly in denunciations of this atrocious fraud and to lend a helping hand to discover if possible the infamous perpetrators of this outrage, so that prompt and severe punishment may be visited upon them.

We do not fear that this fraudulent return will work its purpose. It will not stand and hour's test in a Court of Justice. Mr. Stenger is certain therefore to retain his position as District Attorney of the county. And even a partisan committee will not, cannot, be so utterly lost to honor as to admit a vote which bears upon its face the evidence of forgery and, which under the testimony that will be adduced will be shown to be one of the most atrocious, and at the same time, one of the most stupid frauds that ever was committed. Mr. Duncan is certain therefore to represent this District in the Senate for hte next three years.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 2.

Mr. McPherson has completed the roll of members, excluding therefrom the names of the representatives elect from all the States heretofore declared in insurrection.

The number on the list is about 154.

Messrs. Harrison and Peyton, from Alabama, and Messrs. Stubbs and Turner, from North Carolina, claiming seats, are here with their certificates.

The Ohio Republican caucus last night, was attended by sixteen members, and the absent Republican was represented. Their most significant action was the unanimous passage of a resolution, ordered by General Garfield, pledging their vote solid against the admission of any representative from any State lately in rebellion prior to the organization, or after it, until the credentials had been referred to the regular committee, and the whole subject investigated and discussed. They also decided to go in a body for Colfax, and McPherson for Speaker and Clerk, and follow the lead of new England in the vote for Sergeant-at-arms, to support Hawkins Taylor for door-keeper, and Col. Given, of Ohio, for Post-master.

Democratic Caucus. The Democrats, about twenty five of thirty in number, held a caucus to-night in the room of the Committee on the Judiciary, Hon. Mr. Winfield in the char, and Hon. Samuel J. Randall, Secretary. They had an interchange of views, and decided to hold an adjourned meeting on Monday morning, at 10 o'clock, to nominate candidates in opposition to those of the Republicans.

Caucus of the Republican Congressmen.

The Republican members of Congress to the number of one hundred twenty-four, met in caucus to-night in the hall of Representatives. No members were present from any of the late insurrectionary States.

Hon. Justin S. Morrill, of Main, was appointed Chairman, and Hon. Ignatius Donnelly of Minnesota, Secretary.

On motion, a committee of seven was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Stevens, of Pennsylvania; Raymond, of New York; Spalding, of Ohio; Wasburnd, of Illinois; Payne of Wisconsin; Boutwell, of Massachusetts; and Blaine, of Maine, who reported the following resolution:

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled That a joint committee of fifteen members shall be appointed, nine of whom shall be members of the House and six of the Senate, who shall inquire into the condition of the States which formed the States of the so-called Confederate States of America, and whether they or any of them are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, with leave to report at any time by bill or otherwise; and until such report shall have been made an finally acted upon by Congress, no member shall e received into either House from any of the said so-called Confederate States; and papers relating to the representatives of the said States shall be referred to the said committee without debate.

This resolution was adopted unanimously, and will be offered in the house of Representatives by Mr. Stevens, the chairman of the special committee, who prepared it.

The caucus desired to refer the contested case of Koonts and Coffroth, of Pennsylvania to the Committee on Elections, when appointed, to report on the subject. The returns of each were considered irregular by the Governor of the State.

The caucus proceeded to the selection of candidates for officers of the House, when Hon. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, was adopted for the Spearkership by acclamation, and so was Hon. Edward McPherson, of Pennsylvania, for Clerk. Sergeant-at-Arms Oldway, of New Hampshire, was also renominated unanimously, Colonel Ingraham having withdrawn as a candidate. The vote for Doorkeeper was, for Goodenow, of New York, 66 and for Hawkins Taylor, of Kansas, 58. Mr. Goodenow having the highest number of votes, his nomination was made unanimous. Colonel Given was selected as candidate for Postmaster in the place of the present incumbent, Mr. King. With this exception, all the officers of the former House have been renominated.

The caucus then adjourned.

RECEPTION OF NEGRO TROOPS IN CONNECTICUT.--The colored (Twenty ninth) regiment reached Hartford on Friday, and were given a hearty reception; the Times thinks better than has been given to any returned white regiment. They were addressed by Gen. J. B. Hawley, Col. Wooster and others. Gen. Hawley told them they are "entitled to all the privileges of white men--and with the help of God they shall have them." The regiment cheered, and then they were put to the tables, which they attacked with good appetites. During Col. Wooster's speech (says the Times,) the crowed were great all along the south side of the square, and some of the colored soldiers were on the sidewalk, mingling with a miscellaneous crown of people.

A quite-looking man, and Irishman, in attempting to pass along, asked a colored soldier if he would allow him to pass. This request seemed to be granted; but at he moved by, the soldier struck him with the butt of the musket, exclaiming, "Take that, you G-- D-- white son of a b---!" Instantly the Irishman turned and knocked he negro down, giving him a bloody face with the blow. A dozen colored soldiers sprang toward, shouting, "Kill him!" "Kill him!" etc. and the row threatened to become general, but the white man succeeded in getting off in the crowd. It is said both he and the soldier have been arrested.

--Hartford Post.

We are pleased at being enabled to inform our readers that the Cumberland Valley Railroad Company have yielded to the wishes and necessities of the public, in this end of the Valley, by placing another daily train upon their road. On and after Monday next, three trains will run to and from this place daily. The new train will leave at 5:15 A. M., and connecting with trains running east which arrive in Philadelphia at 12 M. By this train persons leaving here can reach New York, Baltimore and Washington the same day. Returning, the train will leave Harrisburg at 4:30 P. M. and arrive here at 7 P. M. Under this arrangement persons can visit Philadelphia one day and return the next, with a sufficient interval of time in which to transect their business.

The company necessarily incure considerable additional expense in establishing and running the "Express" train, and, as it was originated for the benefit and convenience of our people, we hope to see it patronized, to the extent of making it a paying institution to the company. The other trains will run as heretofore.

Since the commencement of the war articles of prime necessity of every kind have advance fully three hundred per cent. The wages of mechanics and laborers have advances in nearly a corresponding ratio, and from two to three dollars per day is now realized by that class. The advance even as regards these has not been in proportion to the enhanced prices of everything consumed in their families, yet they are considerably better off than those whose labors are really more onerous--we mean the teachers of our public schools. In many districts of the county we learn that teachers are offered the pitiful sum of from $24 to $35 per month. With butter at forty cents per pound, coffee, sugar, tea, flour and everything else in proportion, we would ask how are these men to live. The business of a teacher requires that he should dress decently, yet how he is to do so and pay his boarding, if a single man, or to provide for his family if married, we cannot possibly perceive. We would earnestly call the attention of school directors to the matter, inviting their careful consideration of the subject. We had hoped that the teachers of the youths of our country were expected to labor for "starvation wages," but we fear that the end is not yet. Competent teachers should receive $50 per month--certainly not less than $40. We feel warmly on this subject, as in former years we were one of the unfortunate class and still sympathize with them.