Valley Spirit

"The people of Pennsylvania will be glad to know that Col. A. K. McClure, editor of the Franklin Repository, has had an interview with the President. Our quondam friend makes the most of this interview by devoting two columns of the last issue of his paper, first, to create the impression that he is on easy terms of familiarity with the President, and second, to vent his spite on that high dignitary, by assailing his administration, instead of his personal reputation as he did only eight months since.-Then Col. A. K. McClure wrote and spoke of Andrew Johnson as if he (Johnson) was the most besotted and degraded wretch in the country, alike unfitted for the place which he had just been elevated, and unworthy the confidence of the people who had carried him into power. More than one reader of the Repository still remembers the disgust created by McClure's base assault on the Vice President-an assault precipitated doubtless to gratify a personal hate or a partisan jealousy-and an assault which only found its echo in the columns of the meanest copperhead organs in the state. Now, forsooth, the facetious McClure writes of Andrew Johnson's "symetrical" form, his "cold, grey eye, that looks on if in its calmest glances there slumbers behind it quite enough to quicken it;" of his "finely chiseled Roman face;" of his "genial smile," with such other common-place compliments calculated only to nauseate those for whom they were intended, and to which trained mendicants resort when attempting to bamboozle charitably disposed old gentlemen into the bestowal of a few coppers. In all candor, McClure should have been the last man to seek the presence of Andrew Johnson, after the manner in which he maligned and traduced that gentleman. His profession of having been instrumental in the nomination of Governor Johnson as candidate for Vice President, many be accepted as so much twaddle and stuff. He supported the Tennesseean, not because he liked him, but because at the time it suited one of his self-compensating tricks to do so. At the late election, this same McClure predicted and prayed for our defeat in this State, because he was then anxious for such a disaster as a means of pandering to his own vanity and of castling the blame of such a catastrophe into the face of the President. And yet this man sought the presence of Andrew Johnson, coolly offering him his counsel, then turns away to impress the people of Pennsylvania with the idea that the President of the United States harbors a secret purpose to betray their interests by catering too lovingly and distributing his favors too liberally to the rebels of the South! Truly, the age of impertinence, as well as the race of insolents is neither past or exhausted.

We do not notice McClure's "Hour with Andrew Johnson," to expose and defeat his ingenious attempt to bring the President of the United States to reproach in Pennsylvania. It is not necessary for us to do so, as the trick is alike shallow and transparent. The people of Pennsylvania have endorsed the policy of the President of the United States-the people of other States have placed the seal of approval on the same policy. Whatever designing politicians may claim, no truly loyal man in the free States-no men imbued with a sensible devotion to the real interests of the entire country, are ready, while they are welcoming one race of men from bondage, to thrust another class into that black night of degradation from which, if the programme of those who conspire for such an adjustment of our domestic affairs were carried out, there would be no rescue for any man born below Mason and Dixon's line during the past thirty years. Such men as our friend McClure seem more anxious to deal horribly with unarmed traitors than they were emulous to meet traitors armed cap-a-pie, and boiling for a fight.

When De Witt Clinton organized the initial movement for the construction of the great system of internal improvements in New York, that are now the wonder of the world, Major Noah, then a leading journalist in that State, undertook to "write down" Governor Clinton; but long before such scribes as Noah had completed their part of the task, Clinton had finished his work, making the State which he governed one of the most prosperous in the Union. May we not calm the same result for President Johnson. Long before such scribes as McClure have finished their task of "writing down" the President, he will have completed his gigantic work, and secured for his country a peace and prosperity unparalleled for its glory and incomparable in its wealth. Everywhere among business men, among the class who add most to the wealth of the country by their labor and their enterprise, that policy is heartily approved.-No sane man in the North desires to make a Van Dieman's land of the South. No man with a regard for the dignity of his race, wants to enslave his brother, or to stamp him indelibly with the disgrace of a crime into which he was led by misrepresentation ignorance and prejudice. The punishment of the South is already greater than that suffered by any other people for a similar offence. Its social organization destroyed-its most vigorous youth in the grave-its patrimonies blotted out-its pride forever humbled-what more can a victorious people want for the humiliation and punishment of those whom they once called fellow-citizens, and about whose necks they were wont to cling with the affection of brothers. Men like Andrew Johnson, who suffered severely and fought bravely for the honor of the country, are imbued with the proper spirit in seeking the adjustment of our difficulties-while those of the McClure stamp, who, not having felt the war while it raged, are now clamoring for halters and ostracisms. One thing is very evident, the people are with the President. He has their unmistakable endorsement; and if Andrew Johnson wants the support of McClure, let him grease a stick and he can catch "Pete" at his leisure."

Wendell Phillips, some months ago, made his proclamation that the fate of the nation was in the hands fo the Clerk of the last House of Representatives, who, by law holds over till the new Congress elects a Speaker, and whose duty it is to prepare an official list of members. Mr. Phillips avowed that in the firmness of the Clerk in excluding from the roll the names of members from reconstructed States, was vested the only hope of National salvation. This was the rock or sandstone upon which we reposed, and he expressed a melancholy apprehension that the Clerk might not be a man of solidity.

Mr. Edward McPherson, the Clerk of the House, would have been a singular person if he had manifested any considerable opposition to this and kindred efforts to magnify his office, but he would have commended himself to the judicious, if he had been careful not to show a disposition to assist in the process of the exaggeration of his consequence. We find in the New York Evening Post, a Washington letter dated October 23, contained the following:

"The Clerk of the last Congress, by law, holds over till the new Congress elects a Speaker, and it is his duty to procure an official list of members. He calls the roll when the House meets, and when the election for Speaker takes place he uses this roll. Great power is conferred upon the Clerk, but it could not be otherwise. Mr. McPherson has informed his friends, without reservation, that he will not place upon the official list of members any person claiming to be elected from a State that has been in rebellion against the Government. To be differently would be to decide, himself, one of the most important questions before Congress; for to let in eighty Southern members at the offset to vote upon the subject of their own recognition, would end the controversy in their favor at once."

That members of Congress elected in States that were involved in the rebellion will present themselves in the Hall of the House of Representatives, on the first monday of December next, is certain. "Knocking at the door," is a figure of speech. There is no military or other guard at the door to inspect the passes of members, and pronounce upon their validity. Horace Maynard and Colonel Stokes, of Tennesee, will not encounter any more difficult in walking into the Hall, than the Hon. Benjamin Eggleston and General R. B. Hayes, of Ohio.

Tennesee we suppose may be counted a State that has been in rebellion against the Government. Mr. McPherson has-if the Post's correspondent is well informed, and we have no doubt he is-told his friends without reservation, that he will not place the names of Maynard, Stoke, and others of the Tennesee delegation (the application of this example to all the reconstructed States is clear) upon his official roll. Perhaps a motion shall be made directing that he shall call all the States and the names of their representatives; and perhaps he will refuse to do so. Can he imagine that the decision of this momentous question rests with him alone?

An instructive precedent will readily be cited by readers of Congressional history. On the 2d of Decmber 1839, at the opening of the twenty-sixth Congress, Hugh Garland, Clerk of the twenty-fifth Congress, refused to call the names of the members from New Jersey, because the seats of all the members from New Jersey were contested. For three days there was an excited and wild debate, the House being both unorganized and disorderly. On the fourth day, the clerk was directed to call the roll again, and commencing with Maine had proceeded according to the geographical situation of the States, as far as New Jersey and was about to say that he would not call the names of members of that State, when John Quincy Adams, who had not had anything to say about the controversy up to that moment, suddenly took the floor and said: "I rise to interrupt the Clerk."

Instantly there was profound silence in the Hall, and Mr. Adams said:

We degrade and disgrace our constituents, and the country, because the Clerk of the House, the mere Clerk whom we employ, and whose existence depends upon our will usurps the throne and sets us, the Representatives and vice-gerents of the whole American people at defiance, and holds us in contempt. And what is this Clerk of yours? Is he to suspend by his mere negative, the functions of Government, and put an end to this congress? He refused to call the roll? It is in your power to compel him to call it, if he will not do it voluntarily. (Here Mr. Adams was interrupted by a member, who said he was authorized to say, that compulsion could not reach the Clerk, who avowed that he would resign rather than call the State of New Jersey.) Well, sir, let him resign, continued Mr. Adams, and we may possible discover some way by which we may get along without the aid of his powerful talent, learning and genius.

Mr. Adams submitted a motion to require of the Clerk to call the roll for New Jersey, and there was a general outcry of "how shall the question be put?" All knew that the Clerk would not put it. Mr. Adams said: "I intend to put the question myself." That solved the difficulty. Richard Barnwell Rhett, of South Carolina, sprang upon a desk, and moved the Hon. John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, take the chair, as presiding officer, and officiate until the House be organized by the election of its constitutional officers.-The motion was put and carried. Mr. Adams was escorted to the chair. New Jersey was called and the House organized. If Edward McPherson, "the mere clerk," "usurps the throne," and attempts to play the role of Hugh Garland, it will not be difficult to find one who can follow Adams precedent in bringing order out of chaos. It was easy for the courtiers of Ferdinand to make an egg stand on end after Columbus had shown them how so remarkable a feat might be accomplished.

The War Department computes the number of deaths in the Union armies since the commencement of the war, at 325,000 and of Southern soldiers at 200,000, making at least 525,000 lives that have been lost, a part of the costly price paid for defence of the nation's life. At Gettysburg, 23,000 Union soldiers were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners-our greatest loss during one campaign. General Grant's losses, from the time he crossed the Rapidan until Lee's surrender, were about 90,000. Great as were our losses, they are far below those incurred in European wars, owing to our superior medicinal and sanitary arrangements and the care of the government for its troops.

The soldier vote so long-looked for has come at last. Purporting to have been cast in Texas, it comes to the prothonotary of this county, postmarked "Philadelphia November 18th." It pretends to be the vote of Battery "B" Independent Artillery and Company "A" of the 77th regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers.

The Batter gives seventeen votes for McConaughy and seventeen for Rowe.

The offices of Sheriff, County Treasurer, &c., were of no account whatever, and therefore they did'nt vot for men to fill these offices although the Republican candidates for Sheriff and County Treasurer were meritorious soldiers. Perhaps the soldiers of the battery on the day of the election suspected that Duncan and Stenger would run McConaughy and Rowe close, and hence the necessity of voting for them.

At any rate they did'nt keep any account of the balance of the local ticket.

What transparent fraud! Seventeen were enough to beat Stenger but it would'nt lay Duncan on the shelf-so in come ten more votes for McConaughy from Company "A"-Duncan's majority was 25-this return gives McConaughy 27 votes, making two of a majority on the whole vote.

The captain of Company "A" 77th Regiment writes a letter that there was no vote cast in his company on either side.-Whence came the ten.

The authors of this damnable villainy ought to be ferretted out and punished.-We shall have more to say in the future.

Inquiries are frequently made, when the term of this or that Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania expires; when vacancies have occurred by death or otherwise; and who were elected to all such vacancies. The following compilation answers all these questions, and gives, in brief, a complete history of our Supreme Bench, from 1851-the year we first elected Judges under the amended Constitution, down to the present time. It is a matter of interest to many, and worthy of preservation for reference:

In 1850 the Constitutional Amendment making all the Judges of this Commonwealth elective by the people were perfected. During the session of 1851 the Legislature divided the State into judicial districts, and made all other provisions requisite to give full effect to this change in the organic law. In the following autumn the first election for Judges was held.

For the Supreme Bench the Democrats nominated Jeremiah S. Black, of Somerset, Ellis Lewis, of Lancaster, John B. Gibson of Cumberland, Walter H. Lowrie of Allegheny, and James Campbell, of Philadelphia.

The Whigs nominated Richard Coulter, of Westmoreland, Joshua W. Comly, of Montour, George Chambers of Franklin, Wm. M. Meredith, of Philadelphia, and William Jessup, of Susquehanna.

All the Democrats were elected except Campbell; who fell behind his ticket because of a strenuous opposition to him from men to whom he was personally objectionable. The only Whig elected was Coulter.

The Judges elect draw drew lots for the period each was to serve. Black drew for three years, Lewis for six, Gibson for nine, Lowrie for twelve, and Coulter for the full term of fifteen years. Black, having the shortest term, was Chief Justice.

Coulter died in April, 1852. For the vacancy the Whigs nominated Thomas A. Budd, of Philadelphia; the Democrats, John C. Knox, of Tioga. Knox was elected.

In 1854 the Democrats nominated Black for re-election; the Whigs nominated Daniel M. Smyser, of Montgomery. Black was elected. Lewis became Chief Justice.

In 1857 the Democrats nominated Wm. Strong, of Berks, in the place of Black, who had accepted the office of Attorney General under President Buchanan, and James Thompson, or Erie, in place of Lewis, whose term of service was expiring, and who declined a re-nomination. The Whigs nominated James Veech, of Fayette, and Joseph S. Lewis, of Chester. Both the Democratic candidates were chosen. Lowrie became Chief Justice.

In 1858 the Republicans nominated John M. Read, of Philadelphia, to fill the vacancy made by Knox becoming Attornerney General under Gov. Packer. The Democrats nominated W. A. Porter, of Philadelphia. Read was elected.

In 1863 the Democrats nominated Lowrie, who had been Chief Justice six years, for re-election. The Republicans nominated Daniel Agnew, of Beaver. Agnew was chosen. Woodward became Chief Justice.

The Bench is now occupied by Woodward, whose term will expire in 1867; Strong and Thompson, whose terms will expire in 1872; Read, whose term will expire in 1873; and Agnew, who will go out in 1878. If Strong and Thomson should both be on the Bench when Woodward's term shall end, they will cast lots for the Chief Justiceship.

Of the present Judges, as has already been seen, Woodward, Strong and Thompson were elected as Democrats; Read and Agnew as Republicans.

By act of Assembly of 1857 Cumberland, Adams, Franklin, Fulton, Bedford, Huntingdon and Blair counties were constituted the 7th Normal School District of the State. The interests of our schools now demand that this district shall establish a school.-A move in that direction has been made in some of the counties, and the location of the school must soon be determined. The act provides that when any number of citizens not less than 13 shall as contributors or stockholders establish such school, they shall, upon recognition by the commissioners appointed for the purpose, be a corporate body entitled to all the benefits of the provisions of the act of Assembly. The school already established at Millersville, Lancaster county, and at Edinboro, Erie county, fully establish the fact, that these schools will be well patronized. Millersville had 697 and Edinboro 817 students of all grades during the past year. The money expended by such an institution in the vicinity where it exists will be a sufficient inducement for our business men and farmers to interest themselves in securing its establishment in Franklin county.

While we regard this feature of the enterprise as a pecuniary motive for prompt action, the interests of schools in Franklin county will be greatly promoted by having a convenient source from which to supply our schools with first-class teachers, and a convenient school in which to educate our sons and daughters who may desire to engage in the profession of teaching.

Let every one then take an active part in this matter and attend the district meetings to be called by the school directors of the county, to whom circulars will be sent. A convention of delegates, three from each district will be held in Chambersburg on Friday the 19th of December, for county action, and a convention of delegates one for every twenty-five schools from the whole Normal District will also meet in Chambersburg on the 10th of January 1866. The school will most likely, be established in this valley. Franklin County we believe, for facilities of transportation, healthful location and central position, and large supplies of the necessaries of life for boarding houses, at reasonable rates, offer fine inducements for the establishment of the school within her borders. Let her act promptly in securing a large amount of stock and it will be done.

Col. D. W. Rowe has filed his petition in the Franklin county Court, as a preliminary step to contest the right of W. S. Stenger to hold the office of District Attorney, in that county. Stenger had a majority of three on the home vote, but as it alleged that a number of illegal ballots were cast, and that Rowe had a majority of fifty in the soldiers' vote returned after the certificate was given Stenger, Rowe is clearly entitled to the office. The Court appointed the 11th day of January for the hearing of the case.--Harrisburg Telegraph.

How or why is Rowe "clearly entitled to the office?" Certainly not on the mere allegation that illegal ballots were cast, and that "Rowe had a majority of fifty in the soldiers' vote returned after the certificate was given to Stenger." The allegation of illegal ballots having been cast for Mr. Stenger is false, and the "fifty soldiers' votes returned" are altogether imaginary. No such votes have been returned, not even from 58th regiment at Lynchburg.

The rejection of negro suffrage by Connecticut, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Coloradm, &c. annoys those Radicals who insist that it shall be required of Southern States as an absolute condition of their restoration to their rights under the Constitution. The question is soon to come up in Iowa. The Republicans put negro suffrage in their platform there-and, as they now have three to one in the Legislature, they can carry it, if they please.-But, will they please?

The radicals are elate. They claim that they have "cornered the President." The result of the November elections has encouraged and built them up, that they propose to attack his reconstruction policy, tooth and nail, as soon as Congress opens. They are already gathering in force at Washington for the purpose of laying their plans for the campaign. "Negro suffrage or no admission" is to be their ultimatum to the Southern States. Mr. Johnson will have a tough time with the double-faced humbugs who have fought the political battles of October and November under his banner, for the express purpose of thereby acquiring new strength and influence to be wielded against him. No party in this country has heretofore been guilty of such deliberate and despicable perfidy as this, and if there is any moral sense left in the community, if trick, chicanery, treachery and subterfuge are not henceforward to become legitimate precedents in politics, the party which has triumphed through their aid must, in due time, be made to rue its dishonesty in the sackcloth and ashes of utter humiliation.-Dust has been thrown in the eyes of the people; but their vision will soon be cleared.-The everlasting negro will be hauled into Congress as soon as the session opens, and there he will stick, to the interruption of public business, however pressing, until the day of adjournment. We may call this a white man's government-it is, so far as the executive is concerned-but Sambo will be king in the Capitol. When the restored states shall knock at the doors of the Senate and House of Representatives for admission Cuffee will stop the way. No southern state that does acknowledge his right to make senators and representatives, and to sit with white men cheek by jowl in both Houses will be permitted to come in out of the cold. Such we hear is the majority programme. Well there is one blessing-the radicals will show their hands. The people will see them as they are. -Allentown Democrat.

One of the Abolition papers published at Lancaster, in boasting of the loyalty of that county, during the war, refers to the fact that they paid over two and a quarter million dollars as bounties. The reader will recollect that this is the wealthiest county in the State, and this large amount of money was offered, to get soldiers from other counties, to fill their quotas, so that the loyal citizens could not be shot at by the rebels, now they claim that this kind of loyalty crushed the rebellion. To which the Clinton Democrat replies, that the loyalty of Lancaster is undisputed, and is of long standing, that that county during the Revolution furnished more beef and provision to the loyal army of George the III, than all the other counties in the State combined, and this boast of loyalty is therefore no new thing for that locality.

Pithole, Pa., Nov. 17

Within the past few days the Government officials have brought to light facts against the Internal Revenue Department. Yesterday the officers seized wells No. 47, 54 and 76, three of the largest on the Thomas Holmden farm. The Government claims amount to $148,000, of which $88,000 is owned by the United States petroleum company, and about $60,000 by a large operator here, who, it is alleged, last night made all his interest over to a second party.

The Government has notified the owners of the working interest in the wells not to allow any more oil to the United States company until the claim is paid.

There is much excitement here on the subject, and it is feared the bottom has not been reached.

Correspondence of the Valley Spirit

Harrisburg, November 15, 1865

Yesterday was a gala day for the colored population of this city. Delegations of aristocratic "darks," and others not so aristocratic, arrived on nearly every train during Monday and Monday night, coming from distant towns to participate in the grand reception to be given to the colored soldiers of Pennsylvania under the auspices of the "Garnet Equal Rights League" of this city. Monday night was passed in comparative quiet, the only incidents worthy of note being the arrest by the policy of several colored "gemmen" who were fond parading the streets at a very late hour with loaded muskets and revolvers. Quarters in the "Lock-up," with which they were provided during the remainder of the night, served to cool the ardor of their patriotism somewhat and to remind them that, though they had been accorded the privilege of holding a celebration, they were not yet the absolute owners of the city.

Yesterday-the day fixed for the reception-was as pleasant as though it had been ordered for the occasion. The sun never shone more brightly, its genial rays, shedding a gentle heat around and the soft and balmy breezes playing through the naked trees and out "meadows brown and sere," conspired to make the day vie in loveliness with any in the "merry month of May." Old dame nature surely was quite lavish with her bounties and contributed largely to the enjoyment of our sable friends on this great and grand occasion. Early in the morning squads of ebony colored swains and damsels could be seen promenading our principal streets, or seated on some grassy plat basking the in the sunshine, talking, laughing, and sometimes kissing, all of which betokened the great exhuberance of feeling which swelled the bosoms of "de culled folks."

South Street-the negro's Broadway-was spanned by two arches made of evergreens, on one of which was inscribed the motto: "Welcome, welcome, colored soldiers."-On this street are located the "high-toned" African church-a very respectable one-story brick building, the "Jones House" and the "Garnet House"-two first class negro hotels. Here the darkies from abroad were mostly "piled in" for lodging during their stay in the city. But to the reception.

The procession was formed on East State street about ten o'clock A. M. It consisted of about two hundred "American citizens of African descent" in uniforms and carrying muskets, a few of whom no doubt were real soldiers who had been in service, but it is said the majority were merely darky civilians with borrowed uniforms and muskets. These led the advance. Next in order followed a coach drawn by four white horses containing the orator of the day, Prof. William Howard Day, of New York, and other distinguished colored individuals. Several two-horse coaches followed bearing other colored gentlemen of note, among was the Rev. Stephen Smith, of Philadelphia, the President of the day. The Paxton Lodge of colored Masons, with white aprons, brought up the rear. The procession being formed it marched by the nearest route, passing through several alleys, to the residence of General Cameron on Front Street, where they halted and listened to a short address from the General; after which they immediately countermarched and repaired, almost on a double-quick, to the ground sin front of the Capitol. Here the dark multitude was addressed by Prof. Day for the space of an hour and a half. Day is a mulatto of rather prepossessing appearance, considerable intelligence and some powers of oratory. He does not, however, rank with Fred. Douglass as an orator.-Douglass is calm, deliberate, methodical and, at times, eloquent in his style. This man's style is just the reverse. His utterance is rapid, and more fervent than impressive, partaking largely of the Methodistic style of oratory. His language was the purest Saxon, and some of his sentiments were even elegantly expressed. The enfranchisement of his race, of course, was the theme of his oration.

Immediately before the delivery of the oration, Mr. Thomas Chester, Chief Marshal, read letters from Gen. Meade, Gen. Butler, Geo. L. Stearns and Charles Sumner, expressing sympathy for their cause; and also stated that the Committee had received a letter from his Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, but which he did not read, leaving the logical inference to be drawn that it did not suit. The ceremonies on the hill were opened with prayer by the Rev. John Walker Jackson, who has made himself somewhat notorious in this community as a political preacher. The scene about this time was shocking to all sense of propriety and decorum. Just before the prayer, the Band (a colored Band from Philadelphia) played a lively air which operated so powerfully on the enthusiastic nature of some of the colored "fems" in the crowd as to cause them to shuffle "de heel and de toe," giving the whole thing the appearance to the looker on of a big dance. After the music and dancing ceased, the praying began amid the most interminable din and noise that ever greeted mortal ears. Jackson prayed and the "nigs" chattered right, left, front and rear of him. It seemed to be a contest between them as to who had the righ tto the floor, or whose duty it was to give way. I think the "nigs" won; for Jackson, apparently exhausted in the effort to be heard, cut his prayer short and retired.

Public meetings were held in the evening in the African Church on South Street and in the Court House. The meeting at the Court House was addressed by Prof. Smith, of Boston-a coal-black darkey and Prof. Day, on the great topic of the day-negro suffrage. The first speaker was quite witty in some of his remarks, and frequently elicited the applause of his colored auditory. The house was well filled with negroes and quite a sprinkling of "white trash." The names of the speakers at the Church I did not learn. The ceremonies of the day were wound up in a grand "hoe down" at Brant's Hall, commencing at ten o'clock and ending your correspondent knoweth not when, but certainly not before the "wee sma' hours" of the morning.-I learn that the hop was quite a select affair, none but the more aristocratic and respectable darkies being admitted.-The "common niggers," I presume, had a "hoe down" of their own at the "Garnet" or "Jones House" on South Street, but I do not know the fact.

The day passed off, with one exception, without any serious disturbance, and the negroes generally behaved themselves with propriety, which was probably much owing to the fact that all the hotel keepers refused to sell them any liquor. There was, however, an affray in the evening at the depot, which at one time threatened to become serious. It seems a big negro attempted to force himself into a car against the wishes of the conductor, and being put off the platform he drew a revolver and fired at the conductor, but fortunately, I believe, hit no one. This enraged the crowd of by-standers who rushed upon the negro and beat him severely, and probably would have killed him, had not Barney Campbell, the Chief of Police, arrived on the spot in time to save him from the hands of the infuriated crowd. He was taken to the Mayor's office and thence to jail. Another negro flourished a fazor who was disposed of in like manner.

On the whole the demonstration was decidedly a failure, having nothing, but its blackness to recommend it. The procession numbered scarcely three hundred persons all told, and the managers showed their good sense by abandoning the published programme and marching by the nearest and most direct route to and from General Cameron's residence. Such demonstrations on the part of the negroes are all wrong; and the false philanthropy among the whites that encourages them, instead of proving a benefit to the race, will in the end prove an incalculable injury. It tends to make them dissatisfied with their present condition and inspires them with hopes that can never be realized in a community of white people.

Your old friend Hutchinson has sold his lease in the United States Hotel to Conrad Zimmerman, of this city, for $35,000. Mr. Hutchinson henceforth will give his entire attention to the management of the "Lochiel" which, as you are aware, he leased some time ago, from its proprietor, Harry Thomas. Hotel keeping has proved a lucrative business in this city during the war, but whether it will continue so, time alone can determine.

Brutus.