Valley Spirit
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Our neighbor, the senior editor of the Repository, has recently been in Washington and had an interview with President Johnson. His purpose in making this visit it seems was to instruct the President in his duties and to advice him as to the policy he ought to pursue towards the people of the South, but according to his own account published in last week's issue of the Repository, he left the executive presence with a very large sized flea in his ear. We are surprised that the President should be so unappreciative as to reject the views and disinterested counsel so kindly proffered him. Doubtless McClure considers the President very stupid in failing to perceive the force of his arguments, and it may be that the President regards McClure as a little presumptuous in venturing to offer them. But be that as it may it is quite evident that this self-constituted mission to the White House was fruitless of desired results, but the ambassador is no doubt a little wiser, if not much older, and has learned to his regret that the badger an honest and patriotic President, who has the firmness and decision of character to fearlessly pursue the right regardless of the frowns and threats of demagogues, is a business that don't pay.
"However reticent he (the President) may be on some issues," says the Colonel, "he seems to have no reserve as the policy he conceives to be the true one to bring back the insurgent States. He discussed the position of those States and their people with great interest and occasional warmth, and with a frankness that left no doubt as to his purpose." As to what this "purpose" is we will permit McClure to tell in his own language at the close of this article. We can imagine the chagrin and feeling of "hope deferred" which seized upon the nervous frame of our amiable neighbor, when he listened to that "frankness" from the lips of the President which left no doubt as to his "purpose." We infer also that there is now but little hope of consummating a "compromise" between the President and the radicals which we know to have been a cherished idea with out neighbor, and by which it was hoped the Republican politicians would be able to retain possession of the "loaves and fishes."
But it must not be supposed that the gallant Colonel retired from the field without first making a brave and heroic effort to drive the President from his position. This he did not do so much by direct assault as by one of those grand strategic flank movements by means of which Grant captured Lee, and by means of which McClure didn't capture Andy Johnson. He commenced his flanking operations by making "suggestive objections" to the President's policy of restoration and his treatment of southern rebels. He "reminded" the President of the many errors he had committed-of the many things he had done which he ought not to have done, and the many things he had left undone which he ought to have done-of the many rebels he had pardoned that should have been hung, &c. And then as a grand charge to carry the President's position by storm, he exclaimed: "You have given us on every hand the nation's monuments of Mercy-where will be its monuments of Justice?" "To this the President answered with much animation that the measure of, and time for, atonement were yet for the future to determine." Not much comfort in that for a man apparently thirsty for blood and vengeance! The President's position being found impregnable, and the President himself being so unaccommodating as to obstinately refuse to be either "flanked" or dragooned into radical measures, our modest hero abandoned the hopeless siege, utterly disgusted with a President for whose election he had labored so zealously but one short year ago, muttering in mournful cadences as he retired: "If I were to guess on the subject, I would say that Davis is more likely to be paroled during the next year than to be tried, and if he is ever hanged, he must do it himself."
We give below the closing paragraphs of the account of the interview of McClure with the President as a matter of information to our readers in regard to the position and purpose of the President on the great questions of the day-the restoration of the Southern States to the Union. The testimony of the witness being against himself, it may be received as entirely reliable. The Democracy will thank McClure for this new proof that ANDREW JOHNSON remains firm in his purpose to adhere faithfully to his declared policy and administer the Government on the principles of the Constitution, and with a view to secure the peace, happiness and prosperity of the whole country:
"I believe that the President will wield all his power to effect the admission of the representatives of the rebellious States into Congress during the next session. The Senate being organized the question cannot come up there until it is brought up in order; but there will be a strong pressure to force the admission of the Southern members by placing their names on the roll when the House meets. This Mr. McPherson will not do, and on all votes of instructions he will call only those who are returned from States clearly entitled to representation.-The law forbids him to do otherwise, and he will be faithful to it. The question of their admission will then agitate the House, and I fear make a sad breach between the President and Congress. The South is encouraged by the position of the administration to be importunate in its demand for admission, and it is no improbable that it will in the end be admitted. I have seldom seen Congress struggle against power and hold out to the end. The history of such conflicts is always dotted with frail ones who fall by the way. I have ever felt that the revolted States should take no part in the government they vainly sought to destroy until all issues arising from the war, and all its logical results, should be settled by faithful men. To the victors, not to the vanquished-to the friends, not to the foes of the government does this duty belong, and if it shall be otherwise, there are many who will tremble for the safety of the Republic.
On the future of the freedmen the President talks well. He displays more sense than sentiment on the question, and means to solve the problem fairly as demanded by civilization and humanity. Of their ability to win a position that will enable them to be incorporated into our system of governments as citizens, he is not eminently hopeful, but feels that it must be fairly tried with an open field for the negro. That failing, he looks upon colonization as the only alternative.
It would be foolish to disguise the fact that the President, both by word and deed, disclaims the position of a partisan Executive, and that he is not insensible to the flattering approval of his administration by the Democratic party. I do not mean by this that he is in sympathy and fellowship with them, but I do mean that he is no wholly in sympathy against them; and he will, I feel warranted in saying, adhere to the political fortunes of the Southern States without regard to political consequences. This may or may not sever him from the party that sustained and cherished him in their darkest days through which he passed [unclear], and that won him the highest honors of the nation through a flood of [illegible]; but if it does, I infer that he will accept the situation. He evidently means above all other things, to compass the admission of the Southern members and the complete restoration to power of those States, and if Massachusetts and South Carolina can strike hands over the same administration then will we have a [unclear] faithful President and a harmonious country. If not-I leave the future to tell the story. Where in all this record soon to be made up the Nation shall see that "treason is the greatest crime and must be punished," is not to my mind apparent.
A. K. M.
Senatorial
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The copperheads are making a desperate effort to establish the false claim of Duncan, the copperhead candidate for Senator in Adams District. There is nothing unusual in such a claim being set up by those tricksters, but it does not alter the actual result of the election in that Senatorial District. Without a doubt, and by a clear return, McConaughy, the Union candidate, has a majority of the legal votes received for Senator in that District, and if the illegal votes accepted by copperhead election officers had been rejected, as was enjoined upon them by their oaths, McConaughy's majority would be four or five times larger than it really is.-The returns from the Pennsylvania soldiers who had an election in Texas will give Mr. McC. 40 majority. But even with this fact in his favor, we trust that no effort will be spared to expose the traitorous and cowardly frauds resorted to by copperhead election officers to carry the Adams Senatorial District.
There is might little of truth in the above. The "copperheads" are not "making a desperate effort to establish the false claim of Duncan the candidate for Senator in Adams District" for the reason that no effort was or is necessary in the case.-Mr. Duncan was duly elected, and having received a majority of the votes-without objection from any one on the ground of illegal votes having been given for him-was accorded the certificate of election, by the Return Judges. There has been no allegations made in the district of illegal votes, fraud, &c., by and one excepting Mr. McConaughy himself and the ex-commissioner of the draft, Mulhenny, who are now raising a cry of that kind, in order to influence the action of an Abolition Senate in favor of McConaughy. The story about the election Texas by Pennsylvania soldiers is about played out. The 40 majority for McConaughy hasn't come to hand in the returns, and if he, or his tricksters undertake to manufacture a return they must do it neatly to escape detection. We admit the truth of one allegation in the article, that "if the illegal votes accepted" "had been rejected" McConaughy's majority would be "four or five tmes larger than it really is;" but as "McConaughy's majority" is a majority of 25 votes against him we can't see see how that would better his case. The would-be Senator and his friends had better abandon this business. Mr. Duncan has been legally and fairly elected, and they know it. They are raising all this dust under cover of which they intend to perpetrate "traitorous and cowardly frauds," by which Mr. Duncan's seat in the Senate may possibly share the fate of Mr. McGaughey's western land.
Stanton's Divinity
The Political Situation
What's the Matter
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Our neighbor of the Repository seems to have excited the ire of the Harrisburg papers to a dangerous extent. Each of them a few days since devoted a full column to him and his recent interview with A. J. whose resignation he so peremptorily demanded shortly after the inauguration.-The Telegraph is particularly bitter and personal. What is the matter? The Colonel don't intend to contest the U.S. Senatorship with the great Winnebago, and freely concedes the nomination for Governor to John Cessna, why then pitch into him so severely?
Organization of Congress
The Radical Programme
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To those who have studied the tactics of the Republican party, and become familiar with its policy of management, its programme for the future is plainly perceptible. The present object of that party is to retain possession of the government-that is, to continue their partizans in office for some time longer, until they shall have effected full strength, and power warranting them to cast off the mask of hypocrisy they now wear towards the President, and boldly announce their radical schemes.
It is idle to say that the party supports President Johnson or his policy with honesty-or, in fact, that it supports him or it at all. With their accustomed political cunning they selected Andrew Johnson as their candidate for the Vice Presidency , to secure Democratic votes. Does any man in his senses believe that he would have been nominated, if he had been supposed for a moment he would have succeeded Mr. Lincoln?
The leaders of the party-those who control it-who own Black Republican organization, bitterly denounce both the President and his policy. Yet others profess to support him-profess to do so, because thereby they retain office and consequently are enabled to use the great power of the Administration for electioneering purposes. In a little while, having effected their purpose, they will throw off the mask, and the entire organization will denounce him, as one of its owners and directors has already done, as "three-fourths a rebel-three-fourths a traitor." Their schemes if not promptly checked, will then be in course of successful operation, and, for a standard bearer to succeed Mr. Johnson, whom they hate a thousand fold worse than they do Jefferson Davis, they will selsect Chief Justice Chase.
This is their programme, and not many months will elapse before they publicly announce it. It remains to be seen whether they will have the skill and cunning to blind the eyes of Andrew Johnson to their treasonable plans. Their only argument heretofore has been the calling of names-styling the Democrats, "Copperheads."-Backed by the military power, and all the resources of the civil arm of the government, this argument has had some weight. They are conscious now that it has lost its old effect, and as a substitute for the military force which they have lost through its disbanding by the President , they seek to obtain such a hold upon the government in all its branches, as will enable them to dispense with arguments altogether. The country looks with interest to the action of President Johnson. Backed as he is by the entire and re-united Democratic party, we trust to his wisdom and firmness to save us from the effects of Black Republican treason and fanaticism, and to continue in the Presidential chair one like himself, rather than that high priest of Northern disunionism, Salmon P. Chase.
Union
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The radical press are very confident that the negro will do exploits in hard work now that he is free and works for himself, and they will not be convinced to the contrary. They can't admit he will not be self-sustaining; that he will be idle vicious, and fade away by degrees in the blessed state of freedom; that they have consigned him to generations of suffering and sorrow to disappear at last from the face of this continent. They can't afford to tolerate the idea. It would spoil the merit of their great achievement, on which they pique themselves.-They may go and see the truth with their own eyes, but they must not believe it.-He who would force the conviction on him would make him very angry. He would shriek our rebel! traitor! and blame Heaven, if he could find no one else at fault, and never admit that he played the fool-not he. The British Abolitionists are not yet satisfied that the Jamaica negro is not in the happiest condition, and the he has not made great progress in numbers and civilization. The Abolititionists North will be a long time finding out the truth about the negro in the Southern States. They tell fabulous stories now, and will keep them up and believe them with a faith that could have mountains if it was in the truth.-They are, however, too near the Southern States to hide the glimpses of the truth after awhile. Let them go on believing and experimenting. The present race of politicians will never give up that they were mistaken. They must believe on until his Satanic Majesty gets hold of them. It is not worth while to argue the case with them, nor to present facts; for it's all the worse for the facts if they don't correspond wit their political desires.
"Black Americans"
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Four millions of Black Americans, faithful to the Union in its years of peril, cry up to us from the South not to let the National justice be slain. -Tribune
Is not the Tribune slightly in error? The The cry of the "Black Americans" is for rations and medicines, and not, "national justice," for instance, here is a Washington dispatch which the Tribune carefully suppresses.-
"The medical department of the Freemen's Bureau estimate that it had about ssven thousand sick and helpless negroes under its care and treatment throughout all the Southern States."
Why don't the Tribune give these "Black Americans" whom it is killing by inches, food and medicine instead of continually gabbling about "national justice?" Horace Greeley & Co., have murdered more negroes in the past five years, than have ever been killed in the "middle passage," and yet the Tribune insults common intelligence by taking about "justice to the negro."-When will the press have courage to cram down the throats of the Abolitionists their base falsehoods, and hold them responsible for the unmitigated cruelties which they have inflicted both on the white man land the helpless negroe?-N. Y. Day Book.
Plenty of Candidates
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The result of the late election in Pennsylvania seems to have had the effect of bringing out plenty of candidates for Governor, in the opposition party. Of course they are under the impression that having succeeded this year, owing to the apathy and indifference of the Democrats it will be a "sure thing" next year. But they may and we think they will be greatly mistaken in the matter. With a good candidate, a sound constitutional Democrat and a sound Democratic platform we shall certainly succeed, and their calculations will be considerably spoiled. A Harrisburg correspondent of the Repository, mentions the following as those spoken of on the part of the opposition: Gen. Moorehead, of Allegheny; Col. Jordon, of Bedford,; Gen. Geary and John Covode, of Westmoreland; W. W. Ketchum, of Luzerne; Thomas M. Howe, and John P. Penny, of Allegheny; Lemuel Todd and Mayor McMichael, of Philadelphia; Gen. Hartranft and Gen. Hancock, of Montgomery; Galusha A. Grow, of Susquehanna; Senator Lowry, of Erie; George V. Lawrence, of Washington; John Cessna, of Bedford, and others whose names he does not know. These will be plenty to select from, and any one of them will be very glad to take the nomination. Of course John Cessna expects to get it. He expected to be paid for his treachery to the party as all renegades do.
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The negroes must be routed up and driven from the cities, unless they have some permanent employment there which promises them a support for some time to come. This one thing-the negro's hankering to crowd together in cities, and live in idleness and silly chit-chatting and little snatches of work-is intolerable; it is one of the negro's greatest curses. In Augusta, his headquarters, he had twelve negroes employed as confidential agents, to circulate them were honestly at work, and who were only idling about and pretending to be "hunting work," and all thse latter he compelled to go into the country. There are multitudes of them; they come in and carry their axes on their shoulders to deceive people; and they block up the streets with their petty huckster shops, when they ought to go into the country and go to work.
This system of free labor has not had a fair trial yet; it has been begun in the midst of war and confusion; and though in a few cases it had succeeded, in far more cases it had failed. Where it had been tried inside our army lines, where it was quiet, it had succeeded well. The planters themselves told him so. Still the great majority of free negroes will not work continuously for pay alone. The negro must be left perfectly free to choose his own employer, and make his own contract; when that contract is made the planter must have the power to thold him to that contract, and to compel him to labor. Excessive cruelty alone will be considered sufficient to justify him in leaving.
Local and Personal--Court Proceedings
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Court Precedings.-The following causes were tried during the second week of our Courts:
R.V. Houghwont & Co., vs Wunderlich & Nead-An Action of Replevin involving the ownership of ten cases of Chinaware of the vale of $750-Verdict for plaintiffs, $900, with six cents damages.
J. & S. Ely vs Franklin Funk-Assumpsit on book account to recover for inent sold and delivered. The cause has been on the docket since 1860, has been tried several times in the Common Pleas, taken up to the Supreme Court, sent back and again tried at this term and, as we hope, finally disposed of. Verdict for Plffs, $124.00.
Eliza Jane Trindle and Samuel B. Doyle vs Mary A. Clark and Chas. Evans, Guardian of Mary E. Clark-Ejectment for the undivided two-sixths of a tract of land in Hamilton township-Verdict for Plffs for the land claimed.
Wm. Rodgers vs Wm. Keyser-Trover and Conversion-Verdict for Plff, $226.28 debt interest and damages.
John Beavers, Adm'rs vs the London Saving Fund-Action to recover the amount of certain deposits made in that institution. This cause was returned from the Supreme Court with a venire facias de novo awarded. A jury was called and sworn, and by consent of the counsel for defence verdict rendered for Plffs for $2600.
The petition of D. Watson Rowe, Esq., Republican candidate for District Attorney at the late election was presented contesting the election of Wm. S. Stenger, Esq., whereupon the Court appointed Thursday, the 11th day of January next, for hearing and determining the matter.
On the report of examining committees K. Shannon Taylor, J. Porter Brown and Jacob S. Eby were sworn as Attorneys and admitted to the practice of Law in the several Courts of the county. We understand that the examinations of the gentlemen were highly creditable to them, indicating a thorough study of their profession.
"The Harrisburg Telegraph is in a terrible way about the result of the election for Senator in this district. In its issue of the 11th inst. we find the following, which we copy for the purpose of showing how many misstatements can be contained in so small a compass. The Telegraph says:"