Valley Spirit

The long looked for is coming at last-via; the "irrepressible conflict;" the "cullud pussen;" known in State papers of former times as the "American citizen of African descent." Among recent telegrams from the Federal capital we find the following announcement:

"A large number of freedmen are to be sent North, to be employed in mines and on railroads."

Following so closely as this announcement does upon the shoddy victory at the Pennsylvania ballot-box-achieved as it was upon a platform favoring if not endorsing negro suffrage and equality-we can attribute it to no other influence that the result of the election. It is true Pennsylvania is not specifically mentioned, but the word "mines" clearly indicates that their main destination is the State where mining is one of the principal pursuits. As the direct consequence, therefore, of the elective victory of the Pennsylvania negro party, the "coming man" is coming-coming not singly or in scores, as formerly, but in "large numbers." Would the Boardinghouse Bureau have ventured upon such as movement had the Democracy been victorious? We are quite sure that it would not.

The Democracy proposed to first take care of the white poor of the State-among the most numerous of whom are those made helpless by the causalities of war-before they should exted their good offices to the black pets of abolitionism-the poor created by the negro stealers of the shoddy party. Knowing well that the Democratic party considered the Government's first duty to be to those who helped to save it, and who, in helping, greatly suffered, the War Department and its Negro Bureau no doubt waited in anxious suspense the result of our election. Now that the White Man's party has been defeated, we shall be given a full opportunity of tasting the "benefits" which are to result from that defeat, and their schemes for e advancement of the negroes at the expense of the white workingmen of the State.

The white soldiers who have just returned from the sanguinary battle-fields which brought freedom for the negroes, and who have gone patiently to work to repair the ravages which war has made upon their humble fortunes, will now find fresh applicants contesting for their situations, and those of them who have not succeeded in securing employment will soon find the avenues of labor choked with the in-coming avalanche of Blacks. Is this what they fought and suffered for? Is this the manner in which they are to be rewarded for all their sacrifices and wounds?

The Shoddy mouthpieces for years declared that the freed Negroes would not come North, and the story was repeated up till the last ballot was cast on the 10th of October. It is true, they may now say in apology, that the negroes are not coming North-that they are merely sent. But the quibble will not avail. Those who held out to the workingmen of Pennsylvania that negro labor would never compete in Pennsylvania with white labor, should now be brought to judgment. Those who advocated war to secure freedom for the Blacks, and then held out false promises of patronage and protection to our workingmen to go into the service, should be arraigned before the bar of judgement and settled with by public condemnation.

The subject of reconstruction cannot too often arrest attention and careful consideration, as the destiny of the nation depends in a great measure, upon the proper adjustment of political issues now pending. Suffer the revolutionary policy of Stevens to triumph, new wounds, in addition to those now afflicting the body politic, will be laid open; wounds that will eat like a cancer upon the life of the republic. The vital interests of the nation are involved in the question of reconstruction. If Andrew Johnson remains true to his avowed declarations-true to his recorded oath, and true to his country's interests, the States late in rebellion will spring up phoenix-like and take their original position in the old union galaxy; her citizens, infused with new life and vigor adding their quota to every branch of individual and public enterprise, building anew the waste places and making her borders to bloom and blossom like the rose.

There appears to be, however, a determined effort upon the part of the radicals in every section of the republic to checkmate the designs of president Johnson in his noble efforts towards reconstruction upon constitutional principles. The deep-seated feeling of hate still finds food and shelter in the radical heart, ignoring the fact that war has ceased its work, no longer arraying one section against the other. This feeling will not allow them to enter into social and political relationship with their erring brethren of the South,--will not allow them to meet as equals, as members of the same national brotherhood.

This feeling of hate must be put down if we ever expect to live in peace and quietness-if we ever expect a complete restoration of national law. Let us then, do all we can to cultivate this spirit among all classes and grades. Let us offer to all the pipe of peace, and we will be exonerated from all blame, should the wild ravings of wicked men prevail.

The terrible events of the last few years are not sufficient to satisfy the radical leaders. Their thirst for contention and strife is not quenched, and will not be until all social, civil and political rights are taken from the Southern people. That is the reason why they refuse to welcome back the returning prodigals. Give us, says the Jacobins of the Republican party, supreme power of the States late in rebellion, and all will be well. They do not deserve a Union as it was, linked together by constitutional obligations; they deserve a new Union of their own creation, united by new links, forged by new men, composed of new material. The troubled waves of passion outride the storm of civil strife, casting up new ingredients of discord.

The developments of the next few months will bring to an issue the great question under advisement. We will then find out who desires a complete restoration of national law. A wise policy, predicated upon a sure foundation, treating the States late in rebellion as subject to the same protection as if no war had cursed the land, must be endorsed, or a new policy, revolutionary in its operations an unjust in its exactions, treating the states as conquered provinces, her citizens as vassasl, without any political character, must become the law of the land.

The conservative citizen will choose the former line of action. To his mind the way is clear. Give back the old flag, and all its protecting influence--cultivate a spirit of amity and good-will among the people-cancel old accounts and make new ones where debt and credit will be redound to the benefit of all classes and sections. In this way peace will prevail, all branches of industry will recover with rapid stride, and a nation's resources will recuperate from a nation's trials.

Let us throw to the winds the idle doctrine which promulgates the idea that, a State can lose its status by individual direliction. We trust that the sober second thought of the people will favor the policy of President Johnson, the only policy that will cement the States into one.

We have had enough strife and bloodshed; why continue to harass a fallen brother, who acknowledges his sin, expressing a willingness to discharge all the duties of citizenship; why talk about obsolete issues that are dead and buried?

It behooves the conservative men of all parties to unite in one vigorous effort, if they hope to crush the new reconstruction theory of Stevens & Co. Will they do it? Will they count all other issues of minor import? They must, or our country becomes the theatre of new conflicts, more terrible in their results upon society than a "four years war." The result of the recent elections is no criterion to judge men upon this vital issue, as it was contended by the Republicans that they were opposed to the radical doctrine, and approved of the President's policy. We did not believe their declarations, but enough did, to throw the State against the open an avowed friends of restoration upon constitutional principles.-

Lynchburg Gazette.

It is extremely amazing to witness in what an agony of anxiety and perplexity partisan Republicans are thrown by the cordial support the Democracy are given Mr. Johnson. This pepitation and restless were not uppermost in the mind of Mr. Stearns that it inspired the first utterance he made. From the fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh. We are not surprised that Mr. Johnson laughed in the face of Mr. Stearns, and we can understand how the President, after the interview was over, quietly enjoyed the attitude in which he had left his distressed inquisitor. Mr. Stearns evidently hoped and expected to draw out something which he could quote as evidence that Mr. Johnson repelled the support or doubted the sincerity of the Democracy; but he went away with a large flea, of the genus Pulex, in his ear. The remark of Mr. Stearns in such a perfectly exquisite description of the condition of the Republicans that we cannot abstain from reproducing it:

I remarked that the people of the North were anxious that the process of reconstruction should be thorough and they wished to support him in the arduous work; but their ideas were confused by the conflicting reports constantly circulated, and especially by the present position of the Democratic party. It is industriously circulated in the Democratic clubs that he was going over them.

We advise the Republicans to take a little of the white of an egg or fish skin to settle their ideas, which are now so "confused!"

The substance of Mr. Johnson's reported conversation is as good as the introduction. He makes it clear:

1. That he means to squelch forever the state-suicide theory of the Faneuil Hall momorialists headed by Professor Parsons; of Sumner, Stevens, gnd all that clique, and of the Atlantic Monthly, and such radical sheets.

2. That he does not intend to be rigidly bound by the terms of his first proclamation of amnesty, but that he will throw wide open the doors of pardon to all, no matter whether or not they are in the excepted classes. "Seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you," is the encouragement given by the President to every one who repents and sues for forgiveness.

3. That the arm of the federal government will not be used, if our Chief Magistrate has power to prevent it, to force negro suffrage upon the reluctant Southern States as a condition of representation in Congress.

4. That he his opposed to a consolidated federal government. In that respect he is the opposite of his immediate predecessor in office, who was a Federalist by education and habit of thought, and had no sincere respect for the reserved rights of the individual States.

5. That he is favor of elevating and purifying the ballot, of which he has already given the best evidence by preventing the Weed faction in the State from using the power of the navy-yard and custom-house to debase and corrupt the elective franchise. His excellent suggestions about educating the negroes, if possible, up to a standard enabling them to appreciate the responsibility of a vote, are humane and statesmanlike, and will be more and more approved as time goes on.--

N.Y. World.

The remarks of the Secretary of the Treasury on this subject attract a good deal of attention. He is in favor of reducing the currency and getting back to specie payments. His views of finance are sound enough; but it is certain that any sudden movements in that direction would be disastrous to the country just now. The return must be very gradual. We need not, however, apprehend haste. The necessities of the government will prevent it. The attempt to control the whole finance of the country by national banks is essentially vicious, but the attempt is made. Sooner or later the evil effects will be felt. Just now everybody pays with somebody's promises to pay, who has nothing to pay with but somebody else's promise to pay, who can't pay better than he can. The banks, as usual, live on the interest of what they owe, or what somebody else owes. The government is the great promiser, carrying a mountainous debt with its promises. To get enough promises to pay to answer its purpose, it must protect the promises of its pet banks, so that business may go one and taxes be paid. W used to be shocked at national debts of incomprehensible magnitude, without foreseeing how soon we would present to the world and example of indebtedness surpassing any ever seen; for our debt is as large as the debt of England, and we pay twice the rate of interst. Financial affairs have got out of all comprehension on any principles known amongst men. It is idle to think of paying, sure enough, with money in any reasonable time. Amongst the millions of promises to pay, there is no paying on sight, and not going to be soon.

The Abolition Republican Union party, having again succeeded, by indefinite platforms and all sorts of specious pretexts, in escaping defeat at the late elections, the question now to be determined is what did those State elections determine? The extreme Radicals will be satisfied with nothing short of a complete surrender to them by their more conservative allies. In this State, it is true that the chairman of the Abolition State Central Committee appealed to his party not to divide upon the negro question; that negro suffrage, &c., were not questions in agitation before the people; but notwithstanding this avowal, upon the part of Mr. Cessna, the result of the contest is claimed as being an open, undisguised Radical triumph. The eternal suffrage question then being sure to come up in the coming Congress, at an early day, the Radicals have commenced their operations to lash their more conservative coadjutors into their way of thinking. The leading Abolition papers contain, daily, reports of speeches by leading radicals, which bitterly assail any in their party who do not endorse the black issue. The simple truth is that the Radicals referred to, desire no restoration of the Union. They were always opposed to the old Union and they are so now regarding its restoration. The only Union they desire is one of a force; they wish to beggar the Southern people by confiscation, and humiliate them by conferring upon their late slaves the right of suffrage.

We trust, however, the people of the South will prosecute, with continued energy and confidence, their efforts to renew the prosperity of the Southern States. Let them heed the President's warning, and pay no regard to speeches that may seem to breathe a spirit of hatred and revenge.

The Montpelier Argus & Patriot contains the report of a recent decision of Judge Smalley in the case of Walker vs. Crane, tried in the United States Circuit Court at Rutland, which stamps with the just stigma of unconstitutionality the section of the act of March 3, 1863, which pretend to interpose between justice and the official doors of lawless and arbitrary acts the shield of presidential authority. The sections reads as follows: And be it further enacted, That any order of the President, or under his authority, made at any time during the existence of this rebellion, shall be a defense in all courts to any action or prosecution, civil or criminal, pending or to be commenced for any search, seizure, arrest or imprisonment made, done, or committed, or acts omitted to be done under and by virtue of such order, or under color of any act of Congress, and such defense may be made by special plea or under the general issue,

In the Language of the Argus & Patriot

Judge Smalley delivered an able and impartial charge to the jury upon the facts, submitting to them the various questions arising upon the conflicting evidence. He ruled that the section of the act of March 3, 1863, above quoted, was in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and afforded no protection for acts done under the authority of that section, that the language used by the plaintiff did not amount to any offense against the enrollment acts; also that the opinion of Whiting in regard to the construction of that act was erroneous; and that martial law in Vermont, the civil law remained in full force, and was not subordinate to military authority. He submitted the question of damages to the jury, claming that a defendant honestly believed, and had reason to believe, that the plaintiff was a substitute broker, and came within the effect of the order to exclude persons of that description, it should go in mitigation of damages, even if the fact should be found to be otherwise.

"The jury, after a short absence, returned a verdict for the plaintiff for one-thousand dollars."

This is a gratifying step toward the restoration of the protection of law to American citizens. It is something if civil liberties can be restored, even if there was not virtue enough tin the American people to have them retained.

"There should be some chivalry somewhere, enough to flight the President and his Cabinet, one and all, to the death, and pluck the spoil out of their teeth. Shame on them one and all; on Johnson, who has basely betrayed those who placed him in power, and the negroes, to whom he offered himself as a Moses; on Seward, on Stanton, on the whole set, who have not the honor to resist him, and, failing success, to abandon and help to impeach him; and-alas! alas! shame on the whole North, who not only permit for one moment this wrong to go on but actually hesitate to arraign their infamous agents at Washington."

Times have changed with the Radicals, who used to call it treason to denounce the President. Then the President was the Government.--Oin, Enquirer.

Boston, Oct 18.

Wendell Phillips delivered a lecture before the Boston Fraternity last night. The lecture attracted a large and enthusiastic audience. Its title was "The South Victorious." Mr. Phillips declared that President Johnson in his speech to the delegation that waited upon him from South Carolina, and who appealed to him for protection against Congress and the harsh spirit of the Northern States, had ranged himself with the half converted rebels, and made himself three quarters of a rebel, in order that the rebels themselves might be one-quarter Union.

Major General Banks Mr. Phillips denounced as a vagrant mountebank laden with the curses of every loyal man in Louisiana and Massachusetts men were going to send him to Congress. Mr. Phillips, in speaking of the endorsement of President Johnson by various Republican State conventions said:

"The Republican party does not exist.-There is a spectre walking over the country in its shroud, but there is no such party. It has not existed since the Baltimore Convention, when it was buried with the will of Abraham Lincoln. I deny the existence of any political force entitled to be called the Republican party."

Below we give the official vote of Franklin county, including the vote from the army, received since the publication of our former tables. The Return Judges reassembled on Friday last to count the army vote, in pursuance of the law. The number of votes returned was seven, which they counted with considerable difficult and adjourned:

In 1862 there were only 8,146 pensioners of all classes on the lists. In 1863 the list increased to 14,780; in 1864, to 51,135; and to this date (October 17) the certificates issued on admitted claims amount to about $93,000. The full pensions of a Lieut. Colonel and officers of a higher grade is $30 per month; for a Major $25; for a Captain $20; for a First Lieutenant $17; for a Second Lieutenant, $15, and for enlisted men $8. Under a special act, passed last March, persons who have lost one foot and one hand are entitled to $20 per month; and to $25 per month for both hands and both eyes. There are one-quarter, one-half and two-thirds pensions, according to the rated degrees of disability, and where a man is killed, or dies from disease contracted in the line of his duty, the widow, minors, dependent mother or sister, draw full pensions according to the rank of the deceased.