Valley Spirit

To the People of Pennsylvania:

In accordance with its time-honored, annual custom, the Democratic party reaffirms its principles and presents its candidates for your suffrages. Of those principles and candidates it is our purpose now to speak.

Thanks to Almighty God, the patriotism of the people and prowess of our citizen-soldiery, the terrible war that for four years has devastated our country and repeatedly laid waste our own fair valleys has ended. The Confederate Government, its armies and its animating doctrine, secession, lie prostrate at the feet of the people of the Union. The tramp of armed men and the crash of battle are no longer heard, and the recuperative energies of the people will speedily fill the air with the sound of the busy arts of peace. The soldier yields place to the citizen, the commander gives way to the statesman. The power of force is succeeded by the power of reason, justice and law. The soldier's duty of unquestioning obedience to the orders of a superior is supplanted by the more rational but not less imperative obligation of obedience to the law.

The Supremacy of the Law.

Whether we be citizen or soldier, officer or statesman, ruler or ruled, this obligation rests with equal weight on each and all of us. The doctrine of implicit and unqualified obedience to the Constitution and laws of our country is now, and in all time past has been, a prominent tenet in the faith of the Democracy of Pennsylvania, and they have invariably been found denouncing by voice and opposing by act those traitorous principles which seek to weaken the blinding force of the Constitution, attempt to nullify the plainest provisions thereof, or actuate those who aim to subvert it by force of arms. The Federal Constitution had power enough, had its mandates been observed in the spirit in which they were framed, and the warnings of the Democratic party been heeded, to have preserved us from the war through which we have just passed, and to have saved the nation from the stupendous sacrifices of the blood of her slaughtered sons, the waste of her national power and prestige, and the fearful load of debt and taxation that now encumbers her. When the nation was precipitated into war, obedience to the plainest provisions of that Constitution would have protected the most precious privileges of a free people, and preserved to the patriotic people of the country both the form and substance of the national bill of rights; and now that "arms are silent and the laws resume their away," a strict observance of its requirements, a rigid enforcement of its obligations in all the States, and fealty to their official oaths by those in power, are the indices which point the way to harmonious unity, permanent peace, and a speedy resumption of our career of prosperity and progress. The arbitrary and uncontrolled will of the temporary incumbent of place ought not to rule our Government, and we hold "that the Constitution established by our (revolutionary) fathers is entitled to our unqualified respect and obedience, the oath to support it is binding, religiously, morally and legally, at all times, under all circumstances, and in every part of the country, upon all public officers, from the highest to the lowest, as well as upon private citizens." The Democracy of Pennsylvania are for the supremacy of the law.

Free Government.

The great central objects round which are grouped the materials, and for which was constructed the simple and harmonious machinery of our system of government are "the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity." They who formed it, created no government to administer theories, or to protect imaginary rights from imaginary enemies, but as brave and practical men, deeply imbued with the spirit of liberty, and fresh from the bloody civil struggle of the revolution, they knew from bitter experience the value of those blessings, and in the light of that experience they formed a government of law, and not of arbitrary power, a government to guard their civil liberties, and not to overthrow them. The fundamental principles of free government guaranteed to us by the plain words of the Constitution, distinctly reserved, and to be forever held as inviolable, habeas corpus, trial by jury, the subordination of the military to the civil authority, free speech and a free press, form the very essence of our institutions; and when they who administer the government fail to protect us in the exercise of these rights; when they who have carried on a gigantic war in the name of the Constitution, not only fail to maintain its fuandamental principles, but are habitually guilty of their violation, is it not our duty to turn them from the seats of power they so shamefully misuse, and to require at their hands reparation for the many wrongs unnecessarily inflicted?--'From the day that Runnymede had its name linked with human freedom to this hour every man of Anglo-Saxon blood has lifted his head more proudly when he heard the great test of manhood repeated. No man shall be taken or imprisoned or disposessed of his free tenements or liberties, or outlawed or banished, or by anywise hurt or injured, unless by the legal judgment of his peers or by the law of the land. Dearer than dynastics, dearer than forms of government, dearer than the inborn sentiment of loyalty to the English heart, has always been the right of trial by jury. For two hundred years it has been more than his crown was worth for an English King to deny this right to an English subject." Yet these principles inwrought with the vitals of our system, baptized with the blood of patriots during six hundred years, and wrenched from the hand of tyranny for our benefit, we have basely yielded to the unquestioned control of those in power. And during the past four years again and again, have freemen, American freemen, freemen of Pennsylvania, been "taken and imprisoned, dispossessed of their free tenements and liberties," and "outlawed and banished," and "hurt and injured," without "the legal judgment of their peers," and contrary to "the law of the land." And this too within our own Commonwealth, at a time when no hostile drum-beat was heard, and no armed soldier lifted his hand against the government within all our borders.

At this hour, when military necessity can no longer be made the pretext for their continuance, when the authority of the Federal Government is admitted and recognized, in all the land, these abuses still exist. The courts created by law are in abeyance, and tribunals unknown to the Constitution and laws usurp their power over life, liberty and property. The great writ of freedom that assures every individual the protection of civil authority is fettered by the hand of arbitrary power, and the citizen is denied the right of trial by a jury of his peers.--The Democratic party of Pennsylvania believe that THE HOUR HAS COME in which murders by military commissions should cease; the right of trial by twelve calm, impartial sworn citizens, should be restored and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus be free as the air.

The Rights of the States

Aside from these great cardinal doctrines, the supremacy of the law and the inviolability of the fundamental principles of free government, there is no subject more closely allied with the preservation of our form of government and the protection of our liberties, than that of the relations of the states to the Federal Government. Both were created for the benefit of the people and within the spheres of power granted or reserved to each, each is supreme.

The obligation of the citizen to the Federal Government within the scope of the powers granted to it is binding and imperative, and no one can absolve him from his duty thereto. So, also, the power of the States over these matters not expressly granted to the Federal Government or reserved to the people, is equally clear, and the duty of the citizen thereto is equally imperative and binding. Upon the other hand, in their attempt to interfere with the powers granted to the Federal Government by the people, all ordinances of secession were utterly void, and the insurrection being suppressed, the States resume their place in the Union and the penalties incurred fall upon the individuals engaged in the rebellion. So, too, upon the other hand, it is the right of each State to determine for itself the qualifications of its electors without interference by other States or by the Federal Government. Such is the doctrine of the Democracy and such appears to be the policy of the President, and yet, sectional prejudice, the love of gain, increasing wrath and deeply masked political purposes, seriously obstruct the process of reconstruction and reconciliation; and they who should be foremost in attempting to restore the harmonious unity of the nation are loudest in denunication and most zealous in pursuit of a fallen foe. As between the Federal Government and the States in which the people have been in rebellion against its authority, the only issue during the war was how should be the restoration of that authority. The tread of no hostile soldiery presses the soil of one of them now. In no one of them is there aught of objection now to the assessment and collection of Federal taxes, to the creation of Federal custom houses, courts and postoffices, or to the peaceful transit of munitions of war and troops.--The wonderful exhibition of a devastated country, of defeated armies, of a humiliated people and of emacipated slaves, ought to be sufficient to arouse the sympathies and engage the purest devotion of the Christian and the statesman; but unconcerned at the condition of the white people of the States, desirous only to perpetuate their political power, regardless of the vital interests of six millions of their own race, and of the importance of their rehabilitation in the Union, the leaders of the Republican party, as a condition precedent to their restoration and to the release of the reign of military authority over a conquered and submissive people, demand that the negro shall be placed upon a political equality with the white man, and they insist upon the use of the arm of the Federal Government to effect it, and are moving for an an amendment of the Federal Constitution to perpetuate it.

Such a practical interference would be a palpable infraction of the Constitution, a gross and unauthorized increase of central power, and a wanton overthrow of the rights of the States. This doctrine gives to a citizen of Massachusetts, the right to aid in prescribing the qualification and color of the voter in North Carolina, and in practice will give to the black man the control of the great States of Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina, and will send six black men to the Senate of the United States.

This, in all its breadth and with a full understanding of its results is the doctrine of the Republican party of Pennsylvania, for the 4th resolution adopted by the Republican State Convention, held at Harrisburg, on the 17th of August, 1865, distinctly so asserts. It is as follows:

"Resolved, That, having conquered the rebellious States, they should be held in subjugation, and the treatment they are to receive, and the laws which are to govern them should be referred to the law-making power of the nation, to which they legitimately belong."

With this doctrine we take distinct issue. The States of the South are in the Union, and the people thereof, excetp those on whom the penalties for rebellion fall, are entitled to all their political privileges, and we affirm that these States are entitled to all the reserved rights of the States under the Federal Constitution, and within the spheres of those reserved rights, they, and they alone, have the power to make and unmake the laws that are to govern them.

Negro Equality and Negro Suffrage.

Negro equality and negro suffrage are no longer a mythical issue, but are part of the vital, practical realities of the present hour. They are demanded by the black man; they are advocated by white men high in power in the National Government, AND WE CHARGE THAT they are endorsed and sanctioned by a large majority of the Republican party of the North, including those who govern and control that party in Pennsylvania. Let us examine some of the evidences upon which we found this charge.

The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island and Massachusetts by constitutional provision, give to the black man the unrestricted right of suffrage. These States are all under Republican control, and their politicians lead the van in the crusade they hope is to result in the degradation of the white race to the level of the black.

The Senate of the United States, on the 31st of March, 1864 (see Congressional Globe p. 1361), had before it a bill for the construction of the territory of Montano. Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from the second line of the fifth section (which defined the qualification of voters) the words, "white male inhabitants," and insert the words "male citizens of the United States," &c., which was agreed to as follows:

"YEAS: Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Colamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson,--22.

NAYS: Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Harding, Henderson, Johnson, Lane, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey--17."

Those who thus voted to place the black man on an equality with the white in one of the richest territories of the Union, will readily be recognized as the leaders of the Republican party in the Senate.

This subject came up in the House of Representatives on the 15th of April, 1864, (Congressional Globe, p. 1652), the motion pending being the appointment of a committee of conference on the disagreement between the Senate and House on striking out the word, "white." Mr. Webster moved "that said committee be instructed to agree to no report that authorizes any other than free white male citizens to vote." On the question of the adoption of these instructions, the following named Republican Congressmen from Pennsylvania voted NAY: Messrs. Broomall, Kelly, Myers, O'Nell, Stevens, Thayer and Williams. No Pennsylvania Republicans voted YEA.

The Republican State Convention of Maine, lately in session, in the 8th resolution declares in favor of negro suffrage, as follows: "That the emancipation of President Lincoln, the enlistment of over 100,000 colored troops, the good faith of the colored race amid treason, and their being paid like whites and placed in the most dangerous places, has pledged the national honor that these people shall have in fact, as well as name conferred on them all the political rights of freedom, and that the people of the United States will redeem this pledge."

The Republican Conventions of the States of Iowa and Vermont have emphatically endorsed the doctrines of negro equality and negro suffrage, and placed their candidates squarely upon that platform.

H. Winter Davis, of Maryland, at Chicago, said:

"We need the votes of the colored people; it is numbers, not intelligence, that counts at the ballot-box--it is the right intention, and not philosophic judgement, that casts the vote."

Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, in the Independent of recent date, says:

"We are pleading earnestly with the State to abolish the distinction of caste by universal suffrage. We see that this will inevitably lead, not to the end the present Governor or Louisiana declares the surrender of that country to the black man--but the equality of black with the white; the occupancy of office without regard to color; the elevation of the negro to the Governorship, the Senatorship, the Judgeship, by the side of his whiter kindred; the obliteration of all marks of distinction and separation between men and men."

These are representative men of the Republican party, and they have wielded a powerful influence in its ranks.

In our own State a number of Republican county conventions have fully endorsed this doctrine. Crawford county, at convention held at Meadville, June 27, 1865, resolved that

"Loyalty to the government should be the only test of the right of suffrage--those who have fought to preserve the Union on the field of battle, whether white or black, are certainly worthy and fit to protect it through the ballot-box--it is unworthy the age in which we live to deprive men of voting who sustain the government by their treasure and blood."

The Republican County Conventions of Northampton, Union and Allegheny have also broadly endorsed these doctrines.

The question of the right of the negro to social equality was before the Legislature of Pennsylvania at its last session. On February 8th, 1865, the bill to prevent any passenger railway company from excluding colored people from their cars came up in the Senate, and finally passed that body.--Seventeen Republicans (all who voted) voted for the bill, and fourteen Democrats against it. It was sent to the House for concurrence; and on the 23d of March, 1865, it came up in the House on a motion to discharge the committee. Forty-six Republicans voted yea, and twenty-eight Democrats voted nay. (See Leg. Rec., pages 210 and 710.)

Nearly all the prominent Republican newspapers of the State have also avowed themselves favorable to negro suffrage, and yet, strange to say, the Republican State Convention failed to meet the issues, and seek to conceal their true sentiments beneat the ambiguous working of a resolution. The third resolution declares that the Southern people "cannot safely be entrusted with the political rights which they forfeited by their treason, until they have proven their acceptance of the results of the war by incorporating them in constitutional provisions, and securing to all men within their borders their inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Who so blind as not to see that this may or may not be a declaration in favor of negro suffrage? Can any man doubt that this means when he remembers that Thaddeus Stevens, the radical leader of the last National House of Representatives, was a prominent member of that convention?--Can any man doubt what Henry C. Johnson, the President of the convention meant and expressed when he declared the passage of this two-faced resolution. If he remembers that Mr. Johnson received his credentials from that very convention in Crawford county which declared that "loyalty should be the only test of the right of suffrage."

Pennsylvanians, the serious importance of the issue involved, and a just regard for your intelligence, demanded a manly declaration of opinion upon this subject; but the leaders of the Republican party know your detestation for their degrading doctrines, and they seek to obtain by double dealing your support to sentiments they dare not avow.

The problem of the capacity of man, the white man, for self-government is being solved in the history of the American Republic, and in the face of the recent exhibition of the physical and mental qualities of the Causasian race, in view of the mighty power of the nation as displayed in the heroism, endurance and indomitable energy of the white soldiers of our armies, and in the stupendous sacrifice of the blood and treasure of the people, the Democracy of Pennsylvania unhesitatingly announce their belief in its successful result. "We will not acknowledge the incapacity of our own race to govern itself, nor surrender the destiny of the country into the hands of negroes, nor put ourselves under their guardianship, nor give up to them the political privileges which we inherited from our fathers." Whether the blood of the Anglo-Saxon, the Celt or the Teuton flows in our veins, there are but few among us who do not feel it tingle with a thrill of just shame when he is pronounced to be only the equal of the negro of Dahomey or of Congo. Call this prejudice, or what you may, it exists, and the statesman who desires the peace, and happiness and the prosperity of boh races can not ignore it. Give the black man equal political rights in our country and you give him equal social rights. Give him equal political rights, and you multiply the points of contrast between the races, and the weaker and inferior must yield place to the stronger and superior. The law must recognize his equality or his inferiority; there is no middle ground.--We believe in the superiority of our race, and we are unwilling to degrade ourselves either socially or politically.

Retrenchment.

The Democratic party have ever been zealous for the preservation of the national credit, and this hour demand rigid economy in the expenditure of the public money and a prompt revision of our cumbrous and inquisitorial system of taxation; a just regard for an already burthened people demands that a horde of Federal office holders, assesssors and tax-collectors, be dispensed with, and the machinery of the State Governments used in their room. The retention by the Federal Government of large numbers of officers of the army, whist the private soldier is discharged and sent to his home, also imposes additional and unnecessary burdens upon the people. Can the people expect these reforms to come whilst the men who created the abuses remain in power?

The Democracy of Pennsylvania have no reply to make to denunciation or invective. They refer with pride to their record during the past four years. Like the historic people of the scriptures, whilst engaged in the repair of the walls that protected their Holy City, they have with one hand engaged in earnest toil in protecting and preserving the Constitution and laws of their country, whilst the other grasped the sword that aided in destroying those who violently assailed them. Amid the blandishments of power, the persecutions of official tyranny and the corrupt and reckless use of the public money, they have been ever bold in the expression of their opinions, and have unswervingly maintained their principles and their integrity. During that time they have once elected their ticket, twice carried the State on the home vote, and at the last election polled over 276,000 votes for the candidate of their choice.

Such a body of men, tried, determined, and organized, a unit in support of their glorious principles, must ever be a power in the State, and will be feared by its enemies, and respected by all.

Our Statndard Bearers

For Auditor General, Colonel W.W.H. Davis, of Bucks county, heads the ticket.--Colonel Davis is a sound, practical man, well qualified for the position, and of that stern integrity of character so much needed in this day of official prostitution and degeneracy. As a soldier, his record stands equal to that of the best and purest. When the war broke out, he raised a company and served for a term of three months. At the expiration of that term of service he raised a regiment--the 104th Pennsylvania--and as Colonel of that regiment went through the war. He was in many of the most severe battles; was wounded severely at the desperate affair at Fair Oaks, before Richmond, and lost a hand in the neighborhood of Charleston, South Carolina.--Maimed as he was, Colonel Davis remained in the field until the three years for which his regiment was raised had expired, when as the war was then virtually at an end, he returned to private life. Such is the record of the honest man and brave soldier who heads the State ticket of the Democratic party of Pennsylvania.

The nominee for Survyeor General is Lieut. Col. John P. Linton, of Cambria county. Like Col. Davis, this gentleman is an honest, intelligent, upright citizen, and a brave soldier. He was chosen Major of the 54th regiment, P.V., in 1861 and Lieut. Col. of the same regiment, in February, 1863. He was constantly in the field, and bears upon his person numerous scars as testimonials of his gallantry. Col. Linton had the honor of leading the 54th in the battles of Newmarket and Piedmont. And most bravely and gallantly he led his regiment on thos disastrous fields. In both these battles he was severely wounded, but although for a time compelled to go home for treatment, he scarcely remained long enough from his past to fully recover--so wedded was he to his regiment, his duty and the serious work required of him.--This gentleman is well worthy of the nomination he has received, and of the suffrages of citizens of his native State. As our standard has inherited [unclear] true principles of the Democratic party, and its chosen bearers are brave, honest men, the Democracy of the State must and will rally to its support with a zeal and determination that will prove irrisistible.

Men of Pennsylvania: the issues are before you, fraught with the greatest consequences to yourselves, your country, and your race. Weigh well your action and decide as white freemen should.

By order of the Democratic State Central Committee. WILLIAM A. WALLACE

Sept 8, 1865 Chairman

It is not argueable to see in some Northern quarters a manifest determination to keep up a sectional contest. It is not surprising that men should be found to publish such statements as abound in papers of a certain class, but it will be very surprising if, in the face of evidence so overwhelming, these falsehoods obtain any belief among the mass of the people. The reiteration of the assertions that the Southern people intend to continue rebellions, that they show no disposition to accept the Union as a fixed fact, that they are sullen, ill disposed, fractious, violent when they dare--all those frequently repeated statements are without support in fact, and are contrary to the whole evidence which pours in on us from hour to hour.

President Johnson's steadfast adherence to his own marked line of policy ought to silence these slanders, since it cannot be doubted that the President has the very best information in regard to the Southern people, and his entire course seems based on the conviction that they are cheerfully and in good faith engaged in the work of undoing the errors of the past and restoring peace and prosperity in loyalty to the Union. It would seem however that not a few of the Northern newspapers are engaged in a systematic attempt to embarass the President. Hence these ingeniously devised falsehoods, chiefly founded on letters professing to come from the South and bearing date at Southern places but which have evidently been written by the same hand which writes the commenting editorial.

From a careful observation of the condition of things at the South, and from extensive correspondence and conversation with Southern men, we are convinced that there is a determination in all minds to sustain heartily and sincerely the Union and the Constitution. The results of the war are accepted in their entirety. There is no disposition on the part of any one to dispute cavil or resist. The leading men, especially the officers of the late rebel army, indicate an earnest and faithful desire to carry out the views of President Johnson. They are sometimes asked why they do not leave the country and the reply is that they do not feel that they have a right to go; they have a duty to perform as far as their influence extends in leading the people to hearty submission and cordial support of the President and the Union. In this spirit they deserve commendation, and we have reason to believe that they are acting with perfect good faith and with an honest desire to strengthen the Union cause. The idea of rebellion is dead. The notion of secession is wholly obliterated. It does not exist and if it ever rears its head again, it is infinitely more probable that it will be in New England than in the South.

President Johnson's policy as indicated in his course thus far, is unquestionably wise with reference to the state of things as we have viewed it. The people of the South are as ready for self government as the people of the North. Here and there military occupation continues a necessity from local causes, but this necessity is rapidly disappearing and we have no doubt the President is as anxious as any one for the total cessation of any such requirements.

Still we find that men are busy at the North keeping up excitement and enmity. The object is now apparent. With the opening of the next Congress comes the question of the re-admission of Southern States and people to representation at Washington. A law exists, to which our readers will remember we have repeatedly called their attention, which was expressly designed by its inventors to meet the present state of affairs. The more readical members of Congress took advantage of a time of excitement to secure the co-operation of some of the conservative, and passed an act providing in substance that no man should hold office under the United States who did not first take an oath that he had not voluntarily consented to or had any part in the rebellion. This law excludes nearly all the South from office. The President has already indicated his view of the unconstitutionality or inoperative effect of this law in his appointment of office-holders at the South, and it remains to be seen whether Congress will or will not sustain the President. When members elect from Southern States come to the House of Representatives, the question of administering this oath will at once arise. The supporters of the President will vote to omit the oath, and admit the representatives. The opposition will insist on the oath, which will be substantially insisting on no representation of Southern States at Washington. It is with reference to this state of affairs that a portion of the Northern press is circulating the stories of continued Southern enmity, and endeavoring to keep alive the fires of sectional animosity. There can be but one result in national politics of such a course. The democrats will sustain the President and the republicans must sustain, or oppose, or divide. Those who vote against the admission of representatives will not only take the position of opponents, but will virtually censure the entire policy of the President. In the end, the probability is that the President, with his supporters, will succeed and the disunionist faction will fail.

THE "signs of the times" indicate an overwhelming triumph for the Democracy. The disintegration of the Republican party has begun. the radical and conservative wings are at daggers' points. The extreme shoddyites of New England cannot see anything to admire in President Johnson. Ever since the war began, they have been plotting and laboring for the total destruction of the doctrine of State Rights. They have been fondly cherishing the idea of a strong central government. Consolidation has been the object for which they have been working. President Johnson, however, in the most emphatic language, declares himself a friend to States' Rights. He announces himself as an uncompromising enemy of consolidation or centralization; with one sentence form his mouth he blasts the hopes of the radicals. The lovers of miliatary despotism--the "higher law" advocates, who imagine that the States have no rights which the Federal Government is bound to respect are silenced by a single stroke of the Presidential pen. True to his old Democratic antecedents, the President plants his foot upon the Constitution, adopts his "restoration" policy in the light of the Constitution, and intimates very strongly that he is not to be driven from his position by the lying statements of unprincipled newspaper correspondents, the well-dissembled thrusts of Pennsylvania politicians, under the leadership of Stevens, or the open attacks of the New England fanatics, Sumner, Wilson et id omne genus.

No one need fear that the President is wanting in "back-bone." Unlike his predecessor, "the pressure" will never be so strong as to cause him to violate his convictions of right, and to abandon the plain path of duty. Howl on, ye never ceasing agitators--ye lovers of the filthy, greasy negro, in preference to the noble Caucasian--ye greedy cormorants who hope to fill your private coffers out of confiscated Southern estates--ye blood-thirsty demons whose deep seated revenge would rejoice in the extermination of helpless women and children--howl on--yes, weep and wail, and gnash your teeth; for thank God, your own President, the man elected Vice-President by your own legal votes, has the spirit of "Andrew Jackson" in him. His voice has the old "by the Eternal" ring in it. His purpose once conscienciously formed, is as unchangeable as the laws of the Medes and Persians. His policy once marked out, as well might you attempt to move Gibralter as to alter it. Lay the flattering unction to your souls, ye restless, revolutionary spirits, that you have an ally in the President.

The division line has been drawn. Consolidationists, centralizationists, negrophilists, advocates of sweeping confiscation, unlimited executions, negro suffrage and territorial or provincial ppuilage, are arrayed on one side. On the other, are the friends of the Republic--the admirers of Republican institutions--the believers in the superiority of the white race and the opponents of military tribunals. Radicalism and conservatism are the two hostile elements in the Republican party. It is in the pangs of dissolution, the Democracy await its death with complacent satisfaction. It is your fight, gentlemen.

Meanwhile, the Union is in imminent danger. The radical theory adopted, the Republic totters to its fall; allow the Federal Government to control the domestic affairs of the States, and they sink into a condition of the most abject vassalage. Let Congress dictate as to who shall and who shall not exercise the right of suffrage in the States, and the States are reduced to mere dependencies upon a central despotism; admit the negro to the rights of citizenship and the pride of our race is broken. This government, framed by white men, to be administered by white men for the benefit of white men, will become an instrument in the hands of New England fanatics, to be used for the political and social equalization of the races.

Against all this, the Democratic party presents a solid, impenetrable front. It goes into this contest believing that "thrice is he armed, who hat his quarrel just," cherishing its own time-honored pricples. Drawn from the Constitution of our fathers, its weapons are those of truth and justice. It endorses the "restoration" policy of the President, because it believes it to be the constitutional method of restoring the Union. It denies the right of the Federal Government to exclude the citizens of the southern States from the full rights of citizenship provided they comply with the provisions of the Constitution and the requirements of the President under the Constitution.

It seeks to heal the wounds of our unhappy civil strife. It would assuage the bitterness which exists between the two sections. it rejoices in the fact that from Maine to Florida, and form ocean to ocean, the broad land rests in peace. The dove has come back from her flight over the wide range of carnage and desolation, bearing in her mouth the olive branch. The Democratic party seeks to introduce a new era of harmony and good will.

It denounces the greedy spirit which would enrich a few office-holders at the expense, and to the infinite distress of the great body of the Southern people.

It holds that sufficient blood has already been shed, and that the mantle of a general amnesty had better be thrown over all political offenders.

Its peculiar duty is to see that the Republic receives no detriment--that Republican institutions shall continue to be the boast of the American citizen as they were in the days of Jefferson and Jackson, opposed to treason as presented in the form of secession and consolidation, as urged by the politicians of the New England school, it draws itself as a wall of fire around the Constitution, determined to preserve, at any cost, the integrity of our grand nationality.

It denies the equality of the black man with the white, and brands as an atrocious lie, the statements that in our late bloody struggle, "the negro has borne the palm." It accepts the issue made by the radicals and says unhesitatingly, that Pennsylvania's white soldiers and white citizens ought never to be degraded by the admission of the negro to the rights of citizenship.

These are your principles, Democrats.--Rally around the good old Democratic banner as in days of yore. Give utterance to your principles at the polls, speak, write and work for the cause of Democracy which is the cause of your country.

Turn the confusion of your opponents into an overwhelming defeat. Firm, strong, united, make one brilliant chage upon the enemy and you will rout him "horse, foot and dragoons."

The responsibility of the failure of an exchange of prisoners, says the Pittsburg Post, has been placed upon Edwin M. Stanton with a force that cannot be controverted.--This Wirz trial at Washington is, in great part, a mere attempt to shift the blame from Stanton to a rebel officer who has made himself odious, or been made so, by the industrious circulation by the War Department of ex parte statements. Stanton could have affected an exchange of prisoners--was invited by the rebels to do so. All that was wanted was his assent to the rebel proposition. They waved every point on the negro soldier and agreed to exchange man for man. But Stanton refused.--Thirty thousand of our bravest soldiers were permitted by this detestable tyrant to rot and die in the rebel prisons; and for what reason? Clearly because the terms of enlistment of most of them has expired, and Statnton was unwilling to permit an exchange, as the rebel soldiers released by the proposed cartel, would be again forced into the insurgent armies, while our men would return to their homes. That our men were treated badly at the South is true; but whatever suffering they underwent, Stanton had the power at at any moment to relieve, by assenting to their immediate release.

The Radical Convention of Pennsylvania adopted a resolution laudatory of this accomplice of Wirz in the murder of the Andersonville prisoners.

The Cincinnati Commercial the leading Republican journal of the North-west, has this article in reply to Charles A. Dana, late Assistant Secretary of War, who has lately been laborious in Stanton's behalf, in battling the torrent of public sentiment which is accumulating on this subject from day to day:

"If the ex-Assistant Secretary of War could not have done better than this for Mr. Stanton, it would have been well for him to have kept silence. General Butler in his Lowell speech, last winter, says that the difficulty about the exchange of negro soldiers, was argued obstrusively and demonstratively, with the express purpose of prevent any exchanges whatever. Col. Streight, of Indiana, who escaped from Libby Prison, says Stanton told him that the healthy rebels in our prisons would not be exchanged for the skeletons that were in rebel prisons. It was proper and necessary, of course, to protect the negro soldiers, but how was that object accomplished by starving thousands of white soldiers to death? What did the horrible martyrdom of tens of thousands of white men at Salisbury and Andersonville do for the negro, we should like to know? Can the editor of the Chicago Republican tell us? There were but few negroes made prisoners of war--not one to a score of the white soldiers who sickened and died in the pestilential prison-pens of the South. The Secretary of War and his assistants had better not pretend that multitudes of white soldiers were permitted to be put to death because there were a few dozen negroes not satisfactorially accounted for. They should not try to put such a club as that into the hands of the enemies of the Administration; and they cannot do it because the facts will not warrant it. The truth is, we held, during the year of 1864, a very large number of rebel prisoners, who were kindly treated and in good condition. As soon as exchanged they were available to fill the ranks of the rebel armies. The rebels also held a large number of our men, many of whose terms of service had expired, while others were emaciated by the hardships to which they were subjected, and were not able to go at once to the front when they were restored to us.

Exchanging prisoners was therfore reinforcing General Lee, without a corresponding gain for General Grant. And that is precisely why our Government was not disposed to make exchange, and why our men were horribly abused by the rebels, in the hope that the story of their sufferings would compel a general exchange. The negro difficulty was all a pretense, and the editor of the Chicago Republican ought to know it. It must be admitted that if Lee had fifty thousand of the Southern soldiers held in Northern prisons, on the 9th of May last, that he would not have been surrendering at Appomattox court House. But it was clearly the duty of our authorities to do one of two things--exchange well men for skeletons or retaliate. There was no duty more sacred than the protection of the poor fellows who were being put to death in the prison pens; and as we now know that there was more than one million men on the pay rolls of the Union army at the close of the war; it will be difficult to convince anybody that we could not have afforded to make a general exchange. If this matter is to be discussed, we insist it shall be done upon the basis of the facts."

No Republican newspaper in this State, as far as we have seen, has declared against negro suffrage. Most of the journals of that party have expressed themselves in favor of it.

The Republicans, in their county conventions and meetings, have not resolved against making the negro the political equal of the white man. Some of them have resolved, openly, in favor of it, and others indirectly so.

The Republican State Convention, did not utter a word against giving the right of suffrage to the negro; but did say a word indirectly favoring that doctrine.

No prominent Republican politician in this State, has avowed himself opposed to putting the negro upon the same paltform with the white man, Stevens, Cameron Kelley, and others of them, are known to be in favor of it. The Republicans in our last legislature, voted to compel the Street Railroad Companies of Philadelphia, to carry negroes in the same cars with white men and women!

Now on the other hand, the Democratic Newspapers, the Democratic County Conventions and meetings, the Democratic State Convention and the Democratic members of the Legislature are out squarely and unmistakably against the Republican plan for equalizing the negro with the white.

These are FACTS.

Practical Republicanism means negro equality, and negro equality means opposition to pacification and reorganization--to peace, Union and prosperity. Those who are opposed to the President's plan for [unclear] the difficulties which have disturbed the country, are sure to be found advocating negro suffrage and equality. The reason is plain. Chief Justice Chase, and Senator Sumner, and Thaddeus Stevens understand perfectly the game they are playing, and the instruments they need to effect their treasonable purpose. The stories of cruelty to negroes, the tales of secret plots in the Southern States against the Union and the government, the constant agitation of the old res adjudicata by the Republican clergy, the hatred and malice exhibited in Republican journals, are all intended to keep open the bleeding wounds of the nation, and, if possible, prevent the sections from once more uniting under the Constitution. But mischeivous as thse agencies are, they are barren and innocuous when compared with negro equality. That is the thorn which rankles and festers in the minds of the Southern people; and hence it is turned and twisted incessantly by Republicans. They continue this devilish operation in order, if possible, to disturb the relations which now exist between the South and the General Government, and thus afford a pretext for the use of the military power in holding the States as provinces, and the people as vassals.

This being the evident use which the Republican party mean to make of the doctine of negro suffrage and equality, are the people of this State prepared to endorse it at the polls by voting the Republican ticket? No State in the Union has more reasons to desire a speedy settlement of the pending issues between the North and South than Pennsylvania. All her interests are identified with a perfect Union.--Her vast resources need a wide market. This can only be obtained by a union of all the people north and south of her, on a basis that will hide the past, and restore practically the equality of the States under the Constitution. The attempted degredation of any portion of the white people of this country, whose government rests upon the popular will, is a war against the purity and perpetuity of a representative system; and if the attempt be successful, the result must be the disturbance and destruction of of the whole fabric of society, political, social and industrial. Under our present system the interests of the whole people, North, South, East and West, are linked together by common hopes, fears and interests. What affects injuriously one section reduces its products, uproots its industrial system, prostrates its trade, destroys its business, must and will affect the whole.

These thoughts are pertinent to the occasion and the duties that are pressing upon the people of this State. The people of the South are honestly and faithfully laboring to tranqilize that section. They are succeeding admirably under the plan proposed by the President. Delegations, composed of leading men from that section, have called upon the Presdident and given assurances that the whole people of the South are willing to accept the plan proposed and labor to put it into early and efficient operation. But they need the cooperation of the true Union men of the North, in order to prevent the Radicals from arresting the progress of the patriotic work.--Age

"Some gentlemen interested in the iron manufactories, who have large stocks on hand, have devised a very handsome scheme to fill their pockets at the expense of the public. They propose to Congress to add largely to the duty on iron. This would immediately put up the price, and they would realize their millions of dollars from the rise of their stocks on hand out of the farmer and consumers of iron. It is the old whisky dodge over again. They have already some newspapers advocating it, and will doubtless be at Washington next winter with a formidable lobby! Look out for them!"

We have no doubt that the tariff "plank" of the Pennsylvania Shoddy platform is a part of the scheme. The nomination of Jacob M. Campbell--who, for a number of years has been connected with, and, for all we know, largely interested in, the Cambria Iron Works, which have almost double the producing capacity of any other works in the country--may be another part of the scheme. There is no telling or knowing the cunning tricks of the new shoddy aristocracy--the cotton lords and iron kings. It is the tax-paying and laboring people's business to keep on the alert for all sorts of schemes to make money at their expense--out of their sweat and toil--and, at the ballot-box to circumvent the schemers by overwhelming defeat.

Nine years ago this month, I, holding a Certificate Deed for 120 acres of land in Iowa, meeting with David McConaughy, Esq., Attorney at Law, in Gettysburg, and desiring a Patent Deed for the said land, the said McConaughy mentioned that he was going to Washington city the next morning, and he advised me to give him my Deed and he would get the Patent Deed for me, and save me the expense of a trip to Washington myself. Supposing all would be right I gave him my Deed for the purpose mentioned. Some time afterwards I called upon him, and found that my Deed was still in his possession. Whether he ever went to Washington or not, I do not know. Time after time, hundreds of times I may say, I called on him for the Patent Deed; just as often he would say, "I am busy, call some other day." Getting no satisfaction, although I had paid him five dollars, and getting tired of being put off in this way, I then demanded the return of my Certificate Deed; the answer was to that, time after time, year after year, "just pass out, call in again." This went on for eight long years, until last fall, upon one of my visits to his office, upon my telling him positively, in the presence of a witness, I was bound to have my Deed, I was ordered to leave. About six weeks ago, having taken steps for the purpose, I discovered (not through McConaughy, you may be sure) that my Certificate Deed was along with said McConaughy's Deeds, at Council Bluffs, Iowa! Let the public make its own comments upon such conduct. I presume the public verdict would be that I should have my Deed, but is kept from me in the way stated.

I am a Republican, and a thorough one, and intend voting all the Republican ticket except for David McConaughy for Senator. If he can treat me in the way he has done, he can treat the public in the same way, if he gets the chance. As far as I can prevent it, he can't have the chance. Calvin M. Duncan is the man of my choice.

ROBERT MCGAUGHY.

Franklin tp., Sept. 16, 1865.

In the fall of 1862, the rebel cavalry under General J.E.B. Stuart made a raid through Franklin and the western part of this county, carrying off hundreds of horses. Many of our farmers lost heavily, some of them all the horse stock they had.

Here a nice chance presented itself to McConaughy. A large number of horses were taken, and a large number of dollars might be made out of the fact. It was therefore noised abroad that he could secure compensation for the horses stolen, from Harrisburg, or Washington, or somewhere; and, as a consequence, the farmers came in by dozens and paid McConaughy down a dollar for each of the horses taken from them. But to this day they have never seen one cent of damages.

It was a rather hard case that the farmers should first lose their horses by Jeb Stuart, and then their money by D. McConaughy. Probably some of them will think of it when he asks them for their votes in addition. --Compiler

The privileged classes of this country may be classes as follows:

Class A--Abolitionists.
Class B--Bondholders.
Class C--Contractors.
Class D--Dead men.
Class E--Exempts.
Class F--Fanatics.
Class G--Good-for-nothing Generals.
Class H--Hangmen.
Class I--Idiots.
Class J--Judge Advocates
Class K--Know-Nothings.
Class L--Lunatics.
Class M--Members of Congress.
Class N--Niggers

Every returned soldier must be assessed or he will lose his vote. The payment of the ten cent tax under the soldiers' voting law will not entitle the soldier to vote as a citizen. The Democratic Ward and Township committees should at once attend to this matter. No time is to be lost, as the 30th of September is the limit of time allowed to do so. Within the ensuing three weeks every returned veteran should be fully qualified as a civilian--a freeman--a voter against Shoddy and Negro Suffrage!