Valley Spirit

The election in this State has a significance deeper than ordinarily attaches to State or local contests. Its results, be they in favor or against the Democracy, will not be bounded by State lines, or stop at State issues. The principles which have been announced by the Democratic party as the rule of their action at this crisis in the fate of the nation, underlie the government itself, and must constitute the basis of any settlement of existing difficulties between the sections, if that settlement is to be permanent and beneficial. The doctrine that the States never were out of the Union; that their functions were impeded, disturbed, deranged, not destroyed; that when hostility to the constitutional authority of the government ceased, the people of the States whose citizenship had not been destroyed by acts, the legal consequences of which worked a forfeiture of the rights of citizenship--immediately took their old position in the States; that the States became the depositories of their won political power, the rulers of their own destinies under the Federal and State Constiutions, is the only doctrine that will close the breach in the chain of the Union. The equality of the States, will be preserved on these principles. Without such equality the Union will be one of force, not consent, and will never be cordially united.

This is the sentiment of the Democratic party in this State, and as the election will take place before the meeting of Congress, it is highly important that it should be nedorsed by the freemen of Pennsylvania. --The radicals have announced their intention to oppose the admission of members of Congress from teh Southern States, unless certain conditions precedent are complied with on the part of the people of those States. One of these is to force the people of the Southern States to bestow upon negroes the right of suffrage. This interference with the right of the people to designate and qualify the depositories of the political power of a sovereign and independent State, is hostile to the very foundation idea of a republican govenrment, and if carried out will create a despotism instead of re-establishing the Union under the Constitution. The President in his North Carolina proclamation adopted the Democratic view of this subject, and the Southern States are now acting in good faith under that proclamation. The work of reorganization is progressing in a most satisfactory manner, and, if not interfered with by the adoption of the radical policy, the whole of the Southern States will in a few months have their State organizations completed, and be in full and harmonious fellowship with the other States of the Union.

Now it is to prevent radical interference, and aid in the good work of restoring each State to its old position, that a Democratic triumph in Pennsylvania, at this time, is so desirable and important. If the old Keystone State will endorse at the polls the idea set forth in the North Carolina proclamation, it will have a salutary influence, North and South, that can scarcely be over-estimated. It will strengthen the hands and faith and purpose of the true friends of the Union in the South, and at the same time throw the wieight of Pennsylvania's influence into the scale in favor of conservative and patriotic action on the part of Congress. Stevens and the bands of corrupt politicians who rule the Republican party, desire to keep the Southern States unsettled. --That is their political capital--their stock in trade. They rode into power on the back of the negro; and they still desire to retain him for political equitation. Hence they agitate on negro equality and negro suffrage, and oppose all plans for tranquilizing and reorganizing the Southern States. They are governed by love of power and place, of officers and plunder, not by a sincere desire to re-establish the old political relations between the States; and their success in the pending contest would be a calamity, the extent of which is impossible to estimate.

Pennsylvania is for the old Union under the Constitution, and therefore must be in favor of the Democratic plan for the pacification of the country. This plan is now under trial in the South, and is working well. Why should it be disturbed by the partisan and unpatriotic clamor of the radicals? The sound, patriotic, thinking men of this State, the tax-payers and wealth producers, desire union and repose. They are tired of strife. The public debt is heavy enough; the taxes are burdensome as labor can well bear at present. The men of Pennsylvania wish no addition to either. They are in favor of reuniting the country on a just and fair basis, and allowing the stream of trade and business to flow from one end of the land to the other, invigorating and making fruitful each interest that it touches with its refreshing influence. To such the programme of the Democratic party commends itself by the history of the past, and the wants, facts and occurrences of the present. --Age.

HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS., AUG. 1 1865

To his Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States:

The undersigned ladies of Holly Springs, would respectfully solicit Executive clemency for Jefferson Davis, late President of the Confederate States, now confined Fortress Monroe. Occupying, as he did for years before the inception of the late unhappy civil war, prominent positions both in the State and Federal Governments, positions which were cheerfully accorded him by reason of his undoubted ability and unquestioned devotion to his native South, the undersigned deem it not unbecoming to apply to you, sir, Chief of the great representative government of earth, for indulgence in his behalf.

It is well known to your excellency that, for years past, sectional strife has been seemingly fostered by extremists both North and South, which led to a general conflict of arms and the shedding of the best blood of the land. One party and section have been forced by the arbitrament of the sword to succomb. To the victors and their success the plaudits of the great North have been given bountifully. Is it asking too much of you to grant the yielding party and its chief the poor tribute of honesty for the changes in government they had in view.

Mr. Davis was but the representative of the defeated party, and called, as he was, by the almost united voice of the Southern people to preside over their councils and guide them through the terrible storms of war, he was but doing their bidding in armed conflict, as he had before represented their views in times of peace; is it therefore right that vials of wrath should be poured upon his head, who, whatever his faults may have been, or the supposed erros of his cause, was devoted and faithful alike to the people and principles he represented?

Sir, our once happy and cheerful people have surely suffered enough. Could the tears that have been shed, the anguish borne, the despair which has been our portion during this unhappy war, be brought home to you by a vision of reality, we could not, would not plead in vain for one whom we honored in prosperity, and respect and venerate in adversity.

The war is at an end, the people of the South have again become loyal citizens to the Government of the United States, our fathers, our brothers, our husbands, who survived the battle storm, have returned to the bosoms of their families. We submit that the fraternal feeling that should exist between citizens of the same govenrment can be more effectually restored by mildness and clemency than by the punishment of those who by reason of common toil, dangers and privations, are and must ever be dear to every true Southerner.

Respectfully,
MRS. W.S. FEATHERSON,
MRS. A.C. MCEWEN,
MRS. MARTHA ROBINSON,
MISS E.C. POLK,
MISS ALICE MORGAN,
MISS MARY MORGAN,
and four hundred and ten others.

THE New York Herald in speaking of the trial of Jeff Davis for treason gives voice to the sentiments of a great many people. --The Herald says: If Wendells Phillips, Garrison, Sumner, Chandler, Cheever and Beecher could be hung up with Davis and an equal number of Southern agitators, we should be very willing to see the ceremony performed. Then there would be some sense in having a grand trial. The country and the world would be benefited by the execution of these sectional fanatics, who are afflicted with different phases of the same disease--negro on the brain. --They are all traitors together, and they should either die in company or be allowed to escape scot free. The Northern fanatics tried to dissolve the Union to get rid of slavery, and the Southern fanatics attempted the same performance in order to maintain slavery. There is no moral distinction, and not much legal differnce between their degrees of turpitude. We see no reason why one class should be left off and the other made to suffer. It is unfair to hang Jeff. Davis while Phillips is permitted to escape punishment. What is sauce for the abolition goose ought to be sauce for the secession gander. Before Andy Johnson became President he used to coincide with these opinions, and we doubt that he has changed his views ince he entered the White House. If it be possible to try the Northern and Southern disunionists together, let us have the trial and give all the lawyers a chance; but if this be impracticable or impolitic, then let Jeff Davis be sent out of the country so that we may be rid of him, as we were of Benedict Arnold, forever.

We want the white men of Franklin county to mark the issue to be decided at the coming election. It is not, as heretofore, a question of political economy--of banks, tariffs and the like, but one of more vital importance. It is, in short, whether white men are to be the governing class in theis country, or whether the negro is be allowed to participate in the government.

The Republicans, through their Conventions, in many of the counties of the State, have declared in favor of negro suffrage and nearly two-thirds of the journals of the party are vigorously advocating the doctrine, whilst others, fearing disaster to their cause from a premature disclosure of the ultimeate ends aimed at, are carefully dodging the the issue, until such times as they can do so without endangering their success at the polls.

The doctrine of conferring the elective franchise on the negro was gotten up by the

It is refreshing in this age of offices and office seekers, to find a man upon whom a nomination for Assembly, is thrust unsought and unsolicited. To the citizens of Franklin and Perry counties, we are proud to present such a candidate in the person of Capt. D. L. Tressler.

For two years he declined the nomination and not until a united and persistent demand upon him was made by the Democracy, did he consent to take the nomination.

For the special benefit of the voters of Franklin county we give the following sketch:

Capt. D.L. Tressler is a son of the late Col. John Tressler, so long and so well known as a friend to church and school, and everything good. The father believed in teaching his boys to work as well as in sending them to school, and hence his boys know what hard work is. The subject of our sketch worked his way through boyhood--worked his way to the academy, where he always stood first in his class--worked his way to and through college, graduating at Pennsylvania college in 1860, with the highest honors of one of the best classes ever graduated by that college. Let no one excuse himself, or rather his laziness by crying, "well if my father had not been poor I could have done the same," for Dave, as we always call him, had the misfortune at this time to have a father, though very willing to support his son, was not able, from pecuniary embarrasment. He had invested his all in the large and commodious Academic building which now stands a monument to his munificence. The son, however, never wavered in his resolution to acquire an education. He made brick, carried the hod, followed the plow, late and early when at home and at college. The habits thus acquired enabled him to realize the value of time and industry. Thus by dint of industry and the most rigid economy and self-denial, he went through with his class taking the palm for scholarship and deportment, with the very highest testimonials from all the faculty. Upon leaving college, he took charge of the academy, in the building of which he had done the most of the work, and conducted it for two years with marked success. The interim of his labors in the school-room was occupied in the study of law and general literature under B. McIntire, and theology under Rev. P. Sahm.

In the summer of 1862, when the reverses of the Peninsula threatened the life of the nation, he determined to march his school out in defense of his country. In three days after forming this resolution he was in Harrisburg with a full company, leaving a tearful widowed mother, a pleasant home and a lucrative position. The manner in which he discharged his duty as a soldier is best attested by his company and regiment. In camp and field he always did his duty and won the esteem of all, especially by his many acts of kindness did he merit and win the love of the private soldiers. At Fredericksburg, while leading his company in the bloody charge upon the heights, he fell wounded in two places. His brother was by his side and was more fortunate for the ball only passed through his coat. The Capt. received a forty days' furlough and returned to his command at the end of that time, contrary to the advice of surgeons and friends, for his wounds were still running. At Chancellorsville, he went with his regiment through all the action in which they were engaged, and after the regiment had been withdrawn from the front he, overcome by heat, forced marching and hunger, was sent to the hospital. For several days thereafter he was unable for duty and this was the only time his company went upon drill, duty or parade without him at their front. The terrible march to Antietam, who that was there has forgotten it? In all the labors of that memorable night the brave boys from Perry and Franklin went steadily forward. The memory of the eventful nine months is too fresh in the memory of the 126th and 133d to need recital. Upon his return home, the Captain resumed his labors as Professor and law student, and was admitted to the Bar of Perry county where he has since practiced his profession with marked success for a young man. An officer in the Lutheran church his moral character is unstained. He stands upon the principles and platform of the illustrious Douglas who was the first man he supported at the polls. His record is clean and where he is best known he will run the best vote. The office is unsought on his part but the people want him and will elect him. Permit me to admonish the people of Franklin and Perry to look to their own interest. My long acquaintance with him enables me to give the above statement with strict precision. W.W.W

Republicans are arguing in favor of negro suffrage and equality. It is urged that as negroes have been made soldiers "and have fought for the Union," they should now be permitted to exercise the elective franchise. In answer to this position "a soldier" thus writes to the Hartford Times: "Were this true, should there not be a distinction made between those negroes who voluntarily enlisted and those who were forced to don the blue? The usual mode of enlisting darkies was this: Some officer empowered to recruit would hear that there was to be a negro meeting, or a negro ball near the station. After the darkies had collected, a guard would be sent with orders to arrest all the ablebodied negroes and bring them to headquarters. The negroes would be brought, examined, and forthwith forced into the service. Or the negroes on some plantation would be seized and treated in a similar manner. Of all the negro soldiers in the army, I do not believe that one-fourth voluntarily entered the service.

"During our former wars, Indians fought for us. Even at as early a day as during Phillip's War, Colonel Church was assisted to victory by Indian allies. Yet no party was ever foolish enough to declare that Indians should be permitted to vote, and insist that the Constitution of the United States should be so amended as to give them that right."

THE News, a little paper published in the neighboring town of Shippensburg, seems very solicitous that this senatorial and representative district should be properly represented at Harrisburg. We were, for some time at a loss to know what induced the News to take so deep an interest in the affairs of this county; whether it was that our neighbor of the Repository lacked either the ability or inclination to properly puff the abolition candidates, and requested the valuable assistanace of the Shippensburg machines; or whether Brother Thrush, in the kindness of his heart, volunteered a few rays from the brilliant torch of his intellect for the benefit of the faithful in this benighted region. We think that we have at length solved the mystery. It will be remembered that a few weeks previous to the meeting of the Abolition County Convention, Simon Cameron was presented by some of his admirers with a portrait of himself at his residence; at which presentation it appears, Col. F.S. Stumbaugh was present. It appears also, that about the time of the Colonels return home (through Shippensburg) an editorial appeared in the News, setting forth his merits, and what a valuable member of the legislature he would make, "if he could be induced to consent" to a use of this name in that connection. The Convention met, and the Colonel, without very great reluctance, did "consent," and is now a candidate. It would therefore have been very bad conduct on the part of the News, after having brought out the Colonel, and induced him to "consent" to drop him; it therefore sticks to him and in its last issue, shows what a proper man he is to strip the "rattles from a viper" and expel the "gas" from the reptiles aforesaid.

The News also indulges in a little puff of Mr. McConaughey, under the head of "Senatorial" and attempts to depreciate our candidate Mr. Duncan, calling him a "jevenile political upstart." This is too bad of the old fellow of the News. Mr. Duncan it is true, is but a few years older than that editor but should not be twitted with his jevenility on that account. We would suggest to the News that our people are very well acquainted with Col. Stumbaugh the gallant, Mr. McLellan "the viper," Mr. McConaughey the great lawyer and Mr. Duncan the "jevenile political upstart."

Among the resolutions adopted at the Republican County Convention, the following one defines the position of the party upon the great national issues now presented to the people:

Resolved. That we will give to the Administration of Andrew Johnson, whose past record gives warrant of undeviating patriotism in the future, a generous unhestitating support; and that we believe the President finding his mild method of reconstruction has not been accepted in the fraternal spirit in which it was conceived, but with defiance and hostility, will coincide in the opinion already expressed that they cannot safely be entrusted with the political rights which they forfeited by their treason, until they have proven their acceptance of the results of the war, by incorporating them in Constitutional provisions, and securing to all men within their borders their inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that having conquered the rebellious States, they should be held in subjection, and the treatment they are to receive and the laws which are to govern them, should be referred to the lawmaking power of the nation to which it legitimately belongs.

In the above resolution, although professing to give a hearty support to the administration, on the great question of the restoration of the Union, the policy the President has thought best to adopt is pronounced a failure, and unworthy of the support of the people.

The resolution charges that the President's "mild method of re-constrution has not been accepted in the fraternal spirit in which it was conceived, but with defiance and hostility." This premises is manufactured for the occasion, and the facts prove the reverse to be the true state of affairs in the South. We have conversed, during the past week, with a number of our most enterprising, observing and liberal-minded business men, of both political parties, who have traveled extensively throughout the South since the cessation of hostilities, and all agree that the lenient policy of the President has been attended with the best results, and that it is accepted by the people in the proper spirit. They go further, and give it as their unhesitating opinion that the true policy of the Government is, to remove, as speedily as possible, every hindrance which is place upon the prosperity of the South, by a general amnesty to the people, and the withdrawal of the confiscations schemes. This would at once restore the confidence and good will of the people, revive the prosperity of the South, open a wide field for Northern enterprise and capital, furnish an immense market for Norhtern productions and manufactures, and better enable both North and South to sustain the enormous burden of debt which war and fanaticism has imposed upon us. An opposite policy will not only paralyze and prostrate the South, but will also, in a corresponding degree cripple the north by diminishing the market for her productions, and by the poverty of the South causing the burden of taxation to fall the more heavily upon the people of the North. By this policy only can we hope for a restoration of the Union, and allaying the animosities engendered by war and kept alive by the radicals for political purposes.

The concluding clause of the resolution is so clearly in violation of the whole theory upon which our form of Government is based, that its adoption only proves that the leaders of the Republican party do not desire a restoration of the Union under the Constitution. It sets forth that, "having conquered the rebellious States, they should be held in subjection, and the treatment they are to receive and the laws which are govern them, should be referred to the lawmaking power of the nation to which it legitimately belongs." They would thus destroy every vestige of local government, of State lines, and the reserved rights of the States, and hold the South as one vast conquered province, with no laws except those made by Congress, and no rights except such as might be conferred upon them by the radicals of the North. The proposition is too absurd to bear a moments scrutiny.

The entire resolution shows that the party has no position left upon which to plant itself and call upon the people for their support. It has lived by agitation. Its leaders hoped for and endeavored to create a factious spirit and rejection of the President's mild policy by the people of the South. Failing in this, it endeavors to delude the people of the North into the belief that the President's policy is a failure, by the deliberate falsification of the real condition of affairs in the South. For this purpose, to the use the language of Hon. Montgomery Blair, swarms of hireling writers are sent over the South, most of them in the pay of the War Department, whose continuance in the service depends on making the impression that secession is not dead but sleepeth. On the reports of their hireling writers, the platform of the radicals is based, and the Executive is called upon to cast aside a successful policy, desregard the laws, and overthrow our form of government in order to inflict punishment upon them. Verily "whom the gods would destroy they first make mad."

The committee appointed to inform Messrs. Davis and Linton of their nomination respectively, for the offices of Auditor General and Surveyor General, have performed the duty assigned to them. It will be seen that our candidates stand squarely upon the glorious platform of the Democratic State Convention.

Letter of Col. W.W.H.Davis

DOYLESTOWN, PENNSYLVANIA,

August 29th, 1865

Messrs. Jacob Zeigler, William Bennett, Henry S. Mott, Wm. V. McGrath and Robert L. Johnson, Committee;

GENTLEMEN--I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your letter of the 25th instant, announcing my nomination as Democratic candidate for Auditor General of the State. Although the position was not sought for by me, I accept the nomination, and tender my thanks for the compliment thus paid me. A decent respect for the opinion of the people of Pennsylvania, whose suffrage is solicited, seems to require a frank statement of my views.

I was opposed to secession, even when simply a political dogma, advocated at the hastings and the forum; which is proved by my subsequent conduct when it had grown into armed insurrection.

I am opposed to negro suffrage, as every white man should be. Nature has erected a barrier against the two races enjoying equal political rights in the same community where they approximate in numbers as in the Southern States. San Domingo is a good case in point to prove the incompatibility of the two races exercising equal political privileges in harmony. There has been almost perpetual warfare between the negroes and mulattoes since the island has been in their possession; --which has been only a struggle for the ruling influence between the pure African and the mixed blood. If this people, of the same race, but of different caste, cannot govern a small island in peace, what are we to suppose would be the condition of things when the negro comes into competition with the pure Caucasian in the struggle for empire in the South? The founders of our government intended that the white should be the governing race in this country, and it will be a calamitous day for both people when the black man is given the political franchise, and entitled to hold office. I am opposed to any change in the State Constitution in this respect; and deny to Congress all right whatever to fix the qualification for suffrage in any State.

I am in favor of President Johnson's policy of restoring the States, lately in rebellion, to their constitutional obligations. I cannot admit that their ordinances of secession took any of them out of the Union.--For a time an armed force interrupted their constitutional functions, but did not destroy their identity as States. Hence the States, in their political signification, not having been destroyed, they need no reconstruction, but simply to be restored to their reciprocal rights and duties; when the Union will be made whole as before. Whenever they shall send representatives to Congress who are qualified by the Constitution, and the laws of the respective States, there is no rightful power in body to refuse their admission. I appreciate the peculiar and trying situation of the President, and think he should be treated with forbearance by all parties. His plan of restoration gives evidence that he does not intend to ignore the rights of the States, and be led captive by the radical doctrine of consolidation.

The Convention did well to demand an immediate and complete restoration of all civil rights in the loyal States. If there was an excuse for withholding them in the days of actual rebellion, there certainly can be none now. You say to the President firmly, but kindly, restore to the people the habeas corpus, and trial by jury, as fully as they were enjoyed before the rebellion, and abolish military courts except for the trial of persons in the military or naval service of the United States. These things are granted to the people by the Constitution, and withholding them violates it in spirit and in fact. When we ask that they be restored, we only demand what belongs to us.

I am in favor of the most rigid system of economy in the administration of public affairs. In view of the heavy taxation there should be retrenchment in every possible way. All officers, civil and military, whose services a state of peace does not absolutely require, should be dispensed with; and our system of taxation should be so amended and equalized, that every man will be obliged to bear his share of the public burden according to this ability.

I am pleased that the Convention took action on the subject of equalizing the bounties of soldiers. There is every reason why the patriotic men who enlisted in 1861 and '62 should be placed on an equality with those who enlisted at a later period. Should I be elected, whatever influence I may possess, official or otherwise, will be exercised in obtaining justice for the early defenders of the government. Whatever honor others may have acquired in the contest just closed, the private soldier, who bore the heat and burden of the day, will always remain the true hero of the war, and he is entitled at all times, to our consideration and gratitude. My past history is sufficient guarantee that I shall not overlook his claims. I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W.W.H. DAVIS

Letter of Col. John P. Linton

JOHNSTOWN, PA., AUGUST 29, 1865.
GENTLEMEN--Your favor of the 25th inst., officially informing me of my nomination for Surveyor General "by the Democratic State Convention, which assembled at Harrisburg on the 24th inst.," has just been received.

Not only was this nomination unsought and unexpected on my part, but if I had been consulted beforehand I would have urged my friends not to introduce my name before the Convention. Any hesitation, however, in now accepting, might be construed into a want of appreciation of the distinguished honor conferred by the Convention, or a want of faith in the principles promulgated by it. I certainly feel neither. The importance of the position would have been my chief reason for not soliciting it, and the resolutions adopted are but a practical application to existing exigencies of those cardinal principles of Democracy which I have always conscienciously maintained.

Accepting, therefore, this nomination and its responsibilities, I remain,

Yours truly
JNO. P. LINTON
To J. Zeigler, Wm. Bennett, Henry S. Mott, Wm. V. McGrath and R.L. Johnson, Committee.

After the Grand Jury failed to find a bill against Mengel Reed, he was discharged by the Court, but some one having made information in the U.S. District Court, against young Reed, he was arrested on the charge of Treason!!! The officers executing the warrant made the arrest in the court-room whereupon Judge King took occasion to tell them that they had no right to do so. Of course this arrest is a mere farce. By some it is supposed to have been done to prevent Mengel from testifying upon the trial of his brother. If it was right to arrest Mengel Reed, for treason, because he was two days in the rebel army unwillingly, why did not the loyal patriots of this town, who had this arrest made, also have Mr. Samuel Shuck's rebel relations lately on a visit here, taken into custody on the same charge? The meanness of this proceeding, was aggravated by the fact that it had been agreed between the counsel for John P. Reed Jr., and the parties who had Mengel in charge, that the latter should produce him in court next morning. But instead of doing so, they hurried him off, on Wednesday morning, to parts unknown.