Valley Spirit

Preliminary Remarks.

It is not our purpose at this late day to go into any minute details of the circumstances connected with the destruction of our once beautiful and happy town. So thick and fast do extraordinary events transpire in these disturbed and troublesome times that the Burning of Chambersburg is already an old story--save to those who passed through the ordeal of that dreadful day. From their minds its horrors can never be effaced. There are, however, some circumstances connected with this unparalleled act of vandalism that we deem most important to notice in order to correct injurious impressions abroad in regard to the position of our citizens in the affair, and also to show up the military "situation" at the Headquarters of the Department of the Susquehanna at the date of the occurrence.

Where The Blame Belongs.

It was well known over the country, and we presume the authorities at Washington were aware of the fact, if they can be presumed to know anything, that Chambersburg was the "Headquarters of the Military Department of the Susquehanna," with a Major General and his staff quartered there to watch over its operations. If it was worth establishing and dignifying with the title of a "Military Department" it was worth defending, but that obvious sequen[c]e seems never to have entered the military combinations of the brainless blunderers at Washington. To the stupidity of the War Department must we lay the destruction of Chambersburg. There is no use mincing terms about it. Let the blame be placed fairly and squarely where it belongs. The earnest appeals made time and again, by Gen. Couch, to the "powers that be" at Washington, to obtain and organize troops for the protection of Chambersburg against rebel raids cannot at this time be told. Gen. Couch is too correct a military man to publish them himself, even in his own defence, and the War Department Dare Not Do It. We know they were made and we know too that they were denied. The most ill-natured caviler at Gen. Couch will hardly urge that he should have crested men and armed and equip[p]ed them at his own expense, nor would they expect him individually to attack and drive back the whole rebel force. The War Department seems to have counted on something of this sort but the people have better sense. This being a Military Department, in name at least, the people had no right, suppose the men and arms on hand, which they were not, to undertake the control of its affairs by organizing troops even for their own protection. He would have been a bold man, indeed, to have snubbed the despots at Washington by establishing an independent Military organization in one of their pet Departments! In that case the usurper of military authority, and all citizens associated with him, would have been promptly arrested if it took a whole corps from the Army of the Potomac to effect it. Under such a "military necessity," like the riots in New York, they could, no doubt, have been conveniently spared, but not a man for the protection of Chambersburg!

The Editor of the Repository with a degree of candor and fairness, unusual in Republican journals in these times, when everything is made to bend to cover up the blunderings of this Administration, holds the authorities at Washington responsible for the Burning of Chambersburg, and clearly exonerates Gen. Couch from all the blame. The following is taken from the Repository:

"Gen. Couch had no troops--not even an organized battalion on the border. He had organized six or seven regiments of one hundred-day men; but as fast as they were officered and armed they were forwarded to Washington, in obedience to orders from the authorities. He was left, there fore, with no force whatever to defend the border, and thus enable them to organize for their own defence without exposing themselves to certain butchery in case of capture, and the border was thus entirely defenceless."

In another part of the same article in the Repository we find the charge against the Washington authorities still more strongly stated, it adds:

"It seems inexplicable to persons and journals at a distance that Gen. Couch, a Major General commanding a Department, with his borders repeatedly invaded, should have [illegible] troops. The natural inclination is to blame the commander, for it is reasonable to suppose that he would endeavor to have an adequate command, and also that ample authority would be given him to have sufficient force. Just where the blame belongs, we do not choose now to discuss; but we do know that it was no fault of Gen Couch that he was unable to defend Chambersburg. He organized a Provost Guard Regiment some 1200 strong, expressly for duty in his department--the men were enlisted under a positive assurance, based on the order authorizing the organization, that they were to be kept on duty in the Department--they were ordered to Gen. Grant after the battle of the Wilderness. He organized six regiments of one hundred day's men before the advent of McCausland, and they were ordered to Washington as soon as they were ready to move. We are assured that Gov. [illegible]urtin, fully two weeks before the burning of Chambersburg, formally pledged the State to make provision for arming, organizing, and paying for home defence, if the general government would simply give the uniforms; and we believe that Gen. Couch pressed it upon the Washington authorities [to] uniform the entire force of the southern counties--assuring from that the people were willing to defend themselves if encouraged by granting them uniforms, so as to save themselves from inhuman butchery, but it was denied. We do not speak advisedly as to Gen. Couch's correspondence with the Washington authorities--we give no statements at his instance or based upon information received from him or his officers; but we do write whereof we know, when we say that every effort was made to carry these meausres [sic] into effect, and that they were not sanctioned at Washington. We do not assume to fix the responsibility of the terrible disaster, we do mean that it shall not fall upon a commander who was shorn of his strength and left helpless with his people."

It will some day be made the subject of investigation, when the country is placed under better auspices, why the Shenandoah and Cumberland Valleys have been left as raging grounds to the rebels? Why despots and rebel supplies have been established at Winchester, Martinsburg, Harper's Ferry, Hagerstown and Chambersburg, to be gobbled up whenever they choose to come and take them? Why immense wagon trains have been sent into these valley without adequate force to protect them as if expressly intended to fall into the hands of the rebels? Why our towns are left unprotected that they may be ransomed to enrich the rebel commissariat? Why our citizens are suffered to be carried off as prisoners--their property as plunder--and their homes burnt under their heads to benefit the rebels? These things may not be done designedly, but [illegible] them as we may there is a culpable intelligence about them that amounts to one and the same thing. If such management, rather mismanagement of our military affairs, is not affording "aid and comfort to the enemy" then we know not in what direction to look for treason! "The border shall be protected" has been the promise since the war commenced. How it has [illegible] fulfilled burnt towns and a plundered, homeless people can answer. Let us, however, suffer on patiently, and though our wrongs may be greater than we can bear, it must not drive us from our loyalty to our Government; it will not always be in bad hands; be of good heart, redress will surely come.

Force of the Enemy.

The rebel force detailed by Gen. Early for the destruction of Chambersburg, under written orders from that General to do the work effectually, numbered about 3000 mounted men, accompanied by six pieces of artillery. They reached the heights beyond the town, on the western turnpike, about 4 o'clock on Saturday morning, July 30th. It was their intention to enter the town and burn it in the night, while the people were in their beds, but they were frustrated in their amiable intentions by a couple of cannon planted on the hills, in the line of their approach, and which, on their own admission, created some consternation in their ranks. A well aimed shot from one of these guns made their numbers count one less in killed and five in wounded. On carefully reconnoitering their force it was found too large to be opposed by the mere handful of troops here, which did not number one hundred all told. They were prudently withdrawn just in time to save their cannon and themselves from capture. The rebels then immediately advanced on the town and commenced shelling without any notice to the people, or without any warning to the women and children to leave. Finding themselves unopposed their skirmishers advanced along every road, through every alley, and across fields and gardens on the western side of the town, and soon had possession of the place. It has been stated by lying correspondents of city papers, and grave legislators reiterated the story to our discredit, that but 200 rebels comprised the whole force that attacked and destroyed the town. This story in addition to being a downright falsehood is a most unjust reflection on the courage of our citizens and the few military stationed here. The force that entered the town on West Market street, by actual account, numbered 831, while 300 additional came In [sic] on the Wolffstown road. We have the authority of one of our most highly respectable citizens for this statement as to their numbers. This gentleman made the count himself and will make an affidavit to the fact if required. It is clearly established, beyond any question or doubt that the force detailed by Early for the express purpose of burning Chambersburg amounted to over 3000 men, of his best troops, with six cannon; and that the number sent into the town to destroy the place numbered 1131, selected on account of their peculiar fitness for murder, arson and robbery; while the balance were posted, with the artillery, on the hills overlooking the town ready to advance should resistance be offered. This statement we should deem sufficient to put to rest the slanders so industriously circulated by the New York press--trumped up as an excuse for withholding their mite for our relief--because, as they allege, we failed to defend our town against a band of 200 guer[r]illas! This is a sharp dodge on the part of the New York gold speculators, and they, no doubt, felicitate themselves over it as a very clever ruse whereby they were enabled to retain a little money in their pockets! Save us, now and hereafter, from New York sympathy!--but above all things else save us from the New York Militia! Come Jenkins! Come Moseby! Come M'Causland! but against another visitation of the New York Militia, Good Lord, defend us!

Demand For Ransom.

No sooner had the rebels possession of the town than commenced the work of pillage. The men went howling through the streets for "whiskey" and "greenbacks," while their officers were industriously at work breaking open stores and dwellings and robbing citizens, wherever they met them, of their watches and pocket-books. In the meantime McCausland had an eye to business and determined to drive a sharp bargain. He made a peremptory demand upon the town authorities for $500,000 in greenbacks or, if more convenient and agreeable, would take $100,000 in gold, or burn the town in ten minutes. It was very evident from the conduct of the men, from the moment they entered town, that it was a doomed place and would be destroyed under any circumstances. No attention was, therefore, paid to the demand and McCausland immediately fired the town as he would have done had every dollar of the ransom been paid down. Our citizens have the proud satisfaction of knowing, however ruinous their hopes, that they did not demean themselves by any offer to compromise, or conciliate in any way the freebooters by an attempt to negotiate with them. From the moment they entered the place they gave out that they were hell-bent to burn the "d--d town" and they were suffered to carry out their hellish inclinations without making dupes of our citizens by extorting ransom from them when ransom would not have saved the town. Though we lost about everything else we saved at least our self-respect by having no voluntary intercourse with McCausland and his "hell-hounds."

Firing the Town.

They appeared to have adopted a systematically arranged plan for burning the town by firing in regular order from the center to the suburbs. The first house fired was a large unfinished building, belonging to Mr. Peter Brough, situated a few doors from the Diamond. It was full of combustible material, over which they poured coal-oil and applied the torch. It soon had the surrounding houses and the Arcade Buildings opposite in flames. The next place fired was the Grocery Store of Mr. Wm. Gelwicks of the Diamond and about the same time the Court House, and in ten minutes after flames were seen to issue from almost every house along Main and Market streets. No person can describe the scene of terror and confusion that ensued among the inhabitants. No warning was given the people to leave their homes and the first intimation they had that private dwellings would be burned was the smashing of their doors and having their houses filled with infuriated fiends, still more brutalized by whiskey, who would listen to no appeals, however pitiously [sic] made, for times to save some household goods and remove the sick and inform. Their homes were fired over their heads in the midst, of their pleadings and they were left to get through the flames as best they could or perish in them. Many had the clothes burnt off their backs and their persons badly sacrificed in getting out of their burning homes. On leaving their dwellings women and children could be seen in the wildest terror running through the walls of fire on either side seeking an open space to escape the devouring flames, in many instances to be met by the merciless foe and robbed of the little they were struggling to save. In but few cases was anything saved except the scanty clothing on their backs.

It would take a volume to record the tales of sufferings and outrages endured by our people on that awful day. Every one you meet, be it a man, woman or child, has an exciting story to tell of their fearful situation and desperate escape from destruction either by the fire or the foe. We will not attempt to particularize or give publicity to individual instances of heroism. that is always offensive to sensible heads and brave hearts. We have heard, however, adventures of that day recited which far surpass any in history that have gained renown for many a hero.

Approach of Averill's Men.

The rebels were aware of the approach of Averill's men long before our citizens had an intimation of their being near. The rebels signal flags were flying vigorously and their messengers riding in hot haste to call in their burning squads and pickets for a sudden departure while our people were in ignorance of what was transpiring. So their hasty retreat, or rather to their cowardice in getting out of the way of Averill's men, do we owe the preservation of the small portion of the town left standing.

We clip the following from Parson Brownlow's paper which lets us into the secret why we are unworthy of aid or commiseration. How it is to be reconciled with the position of New York, that "Copperhead Sodom of the nation," we are at a loss to know. Until both these parties get to understand each other we may expect no sympathy for our distressed and agonized community. Can't Greeley, Bennet, Brownlow and McCausland hold a council of war and decide upon burning the balance of the town? It would be in keeping with the fiendishness they have already displayed against us. The Parson ventilates himself over our misfortune after this fashion:

"The rebels under the command of McCausland, numbering about 500 men, dashed into Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, a town of 6,000 inhabitants, and destroyed it, leaving 3,000 persons without shelter. They demanded $500,000 from the citizens, under a threat of burning the town, the requisition being signed by Gen. Jubal Early. We sympathize with any people thus burned out, and ruined, but Chambersburg is a Copperhead town, and its rebel population have been ruined by their dear Southern friends. It will enable them to appreciate the beauties of the rebellion, and to know how others feel who have suffered in the same way and at the hands of the same graceless thieves and incendiaries."

The Future.

Everything has changed since the burning. Business is all conducted in little shops and shanties on the back streets, and in out of the way places. But a small assortment of goods are kept on hand and for these the highest prices are asked. Many of our citizens have removed to other places never to return. Others of our business men who remain have opened up in a small way in some unthought of place, or started some new branch of traffic that the necessities of the people seem to demand. One would scarcely suppose that so great a change could take place in a community in so short a time. Men seem in a degree reckless, they have lost all they possessed in the world, in an hours time, through no fault of theirs, and they appear determined to make it up by hook or by crook in the shortest possible time. Money seems plenty and "trust is played out" as may be noticed posted up in stores and shops. It is cash down for everything you get and everything you sell. People understand each others necessities and do not think of asking credit. As to the prospects of re-building the town they look exceedingly dark just now. But few have the means to rebuild and they are dubious about investing their money in property along the border while the war lasts. Those without means can do nothing but pile up their brick and let their lots take care of themselves until some appropriation is made for their relief. A few are already re-building--they are, perhaps, the wisest after all. The Legislature granted $100,000 to keep the people from starving and freezing this winter. Very charitable indeed! "Charity covereth a multitude of sins." The contributions from other places will not amount to much in the way of relieving the many wants of the people. The supply of provisions forwarded for a few weeks was liberal and relieved immediate wants. This aid has in a great measure stopped off and must soon cease altogether. The sufferers would return their grateful thanks to the good people of many towns in Pennsylvania for their substantial sympathy. A few things in the way of clothing and bedding have been sent in, but not enough to fit out twenty families when over three hundred are entirely destitute. How the people are to live this winter God only knows. Without stoves, coal, wood, bedding, furniture, clothing, flour, maet, in a word, all the necessities of life; and most of all without a roof to shelter them from the pelting of the storms. Our people will only realize what they have lost, and what hard times are, when cruel winter comes.

The subjoined communication was written by a citizen of this place to the New York Herald in reply to an editorial in that journal, of a scurrilous character, on the appeal made by respectable parties for relief in our recent great calamity. In the same article for the Herald endeavored to throw the entire responsibility of our sufferings upon ourselves, derided our want of bravery, and paid a high tribute to the gallantry and virtue of the New York troops who were here for the emergency last summer. The Herald refused to publish the communication but took from it some of its least important statements and commented upon them with characteristic unfairness holding at the same time the original position it had assumed towards us. The statements set forth in the communication are incontrovertible and were perhaps a little too strong for the digestive functions of so amiable and truthful a personage as the editor of the Herald and consequently were not admissible to his sheet.

Chambersburg, Aug. 4, 1864.

To the Editor of the New York Herald:

The wide circulation of your paper, and the general confidence reposed in it for accuracy of statement, impels me to offer a few remarks on the tenor of your editorial in yesterday's issue under the caption "A Begging appeal from Chambersburg."

As to the propriety of issuing such an appeal I have nothing to say, more, than that I believe, the Committee who did it, realizing the extent of the devastation and destitution inflicted upon us were actuated by the purest and most humane motives.

Every statement published in Eastern journals regarding our misfortune, falls far short of the reality. Scarce an adequate idea can be formed of what hellish wickedness has been perpetrated upon us without actual observation. And let me say that without the knowledge of the facts, it is impardonable cruelty for editors to comment upon our condition, throwing the odium and blame upon ourselves.

Three hundred of our most valuable buildings are in ruins. At least twenty-five hundred persons have been rendered homeless and houseless, and three millions of dollars will not suffice to replace the property destroyed. Now, briefly, this is our situation. Let us see what could have been done to avert it.

This valley has sent its full quota of able-bodied men to the war. The people have furnished their full proportion of money to carry it on. Their industry and the fertility of their lands have contributed largely in keeping up the subsistence and supplies of our armies. Their loyalty and patriotism cannot be questioned for in every way have they exhibited a proper appreciation of the perils of the country and the importance of the success of its cause. In this view have we not a right to expect protection of our lives, property and interests from the Government? We yield it faithful obedience, and exert ourselves in every possible manner for its maintenance; and for its honor as well as for our safety should we be made secure from the incursions of Rebel hordes. The products of this valley are worth millions to the Government, and in this alone, leaving out all other interests it is the sheerest blindness to leave us almost hourly exposed to the power and foul treatment which follow Rebel occupation. Thus it must be acknowledged that for the invasion we cannot be held accountable. The invaders came upon our soil with seeming impunity. They burned and pillaged and escaped. But now as to this immediate locality.

At early morn of Saturday last, nearly three thousand Rebel scoundrels, with six pieces of artillery, under the command of the wretch McCausland and Bradley Johnston appeared within six miles of this town. They reached that point before we had any definite knowledge of their approach either from military sources or individual observation. At break of day they were on the outskirts of the town and the first sure signal of their presence was when their shells awoke us to a sense of danger. We had no arms, no organization. We were defenceless, And even if we had possessed arms and been thoroughly organized is is [sic] it to be presumed that we could have resisted the advance of a foe numbering over three thousand, fiends I might call them, bent on arson, plunder and murder. Would it not have been madness for us to have thus encountered them, especially as the women and children were in the town and would have been in continual risk of their lives and the vilest treatment from the invading scoundrels. Only five hundred men it is true entered the town; but it was well known that the main force was within convenient distance and the whole body numbering a force of which it would have required an equal force of drilled troops on our side to have met and whipped.

Now I think I have successfully shown that there is some excuse for the people of Chambersburg, and whatever the fault, it cannot be justly placed at their door.

Now I think I have successfully shown that there is some excuse for the people of Chambersburg, and whatever the fault, it cannot be justly placed at their door.

It may be very pleasant for people in the east secure from danger to scorn and sneer at those in this valley and laugh at their apparent timidity. But if they were made to feel the hand of the invader as we have repeatedly, they might appreciate sympathy quite as well and hurl back the indignities and opprobrium endeavored to be fastened upon them.

Now a few words about "the gallant young men of New York" who as you allege, came to our defense, and the statements of yourself and the Tribune, have only provoked an allusion to them. New York has sent many, and gallant soldiers to the field. We honor them. But the very worst specimens she has sent anywhere were here last summer. They came as if prepared for a pic-nic, with all the delicacies of the season in their haversacks and on their supply trains. Our people hailed them with the warmest welcome and furnished them with the best they had without cost. Everything was done under the circumstances, that a population could do to evidence appreciation of their coming and to render them comfortable. Now one one [sic] of the first grand achiev[e]ments of these "gallant young men of New York" was to drag the fire apparatus of the of the [sic] town through its streets at full speed yelling like a pack of hounds. In their presence was known more profanity, more blackguardism, more theft, more drunkenness than was ever inflicted upon a community by professed Union soldiers since this war commenced. On an evening they disappeared from their camp more suddenly than base fabric of a vision, leaving all their camp equipage, individual property, sardines Scotch ale by the gross, and dainties in every variety. These "gallant young men from New York" heard of the approach of the Rebs and they skedaddled without inquiring their number of getting even a sight of the visage of one of them. The people of our town blessed the day of their deliverance and made it one of thanksgiving for they were rid of the New York troops. Jenkins came in and his command pillaged and plundered. We expected this from him. New York troops stole secretly. Jenkins' did not, New York troops tore down property in the most ruthless manner. Jenkins' did not. New York troops outraged women. Jenkins' did not. When men come here for our defence we expect to find their professions truthful, not on the other hand to make us the victims of riot and blackguardism. You say the New York troops had "no very pleasing stories to tell" of this valley. No wonder if they told the truth about themselves, their statements would be too indecent for other care than those of the scoundrel and the blackguard.

I ask you to give publicity to this in your columns in justice to a suffering people.

W.I. Cook

The Philadelphia Age gives what purports to be an accurate report of the remarks of the rebel General Early, made at Williamsport, Md., on the 6th inst., in regard to the burning of Chambersburg. The occasion was the examination of several prisoners arrested as hostages to secure the release of persons held by Federal authority. Early attempted to vindicate the acts of his ruthless raiders, and in his own behalf claimed to have performed only a "disagreeable duty" so far as concerns the destruction in Pen[n]sylvania. He said:

General Hunter in his recent raid to Lynchburg, caused wide-spread ruin wherever he passed. I followed him about sixty miles, and language would fail me to describe the terrible desolation which marked his path. Dwelling-houses and other buildings were almost universally burned; fences, implements of husbandry, and everything available for the sustenance of human life, so far as he could do so, were everywhere destroyed. We found many, very many, families of helpless women and children who had been suddenly turned out of doors, and their houses and contents condemned to the flames; and in some cases where they had rescued some extra clothing, the soldiers had torn the garments into narrow strips, and strewn them upon the ground for us to witness when we arrived in pursuit.

General Hunter has been much censured by the voice of humanity everywhere, and he richly deserves it all; yet he has caused scarcely one-tenth part of the devastation which has been committed immediately in sight of the headquarters of General Meade and General Grant, in Eastern Virginia. For example--in Culpepper County, where General Meade held his headquarters, almost every house and building has been burned; very few have escaped the flames; and utter desolation is seen on every hand. Even a small tannery in sight of General Meade's headquarters, where a poor man tanned a few hides for the neighbors on the shares, to furnish shoes for the poor women and children who were necessarily left there, was burned by the army, and the half tanned skins drawn from the bats and cut into narrow strips to prevent the possibility of their being useful.

Recently they have burned the house of Andrew Hunter, near Charlestown, with all its contents, requiring his family to stand by and witness the destruction of their homes. They did the same with the house of Edmund J. Lee, near Shepardstown, and repeated it on the buildings of Hon. Alex H. Boteler.

Such things of course, cannot be long endured, and must provoke retaliation whenever it is possible. Accordingly I lately sent General McCausland to Pennsylvania. I did not wish to retaliate in Maryland, because we all hope and believe that Maryland will eventually become a member of the Southern Confederacy. I therefore sent him to Pennsylvania, with written instructions to demand of the authorities of Chambersburg, a sum which would be sufficient to indemnify those gentlemen, and also pay some other damages which I specified in the order; and in default of their compliance, he was instructed to burn the town, which I learn was done. I was very reluctant, and it was a most disagreeable duty, to inflict such damage on these citizens; but I deemed it an imperitive [sic] necessity to show the people of the Federal States that was has two sides. I hope and believe it has had, and will have a good effect. I saw with much pleasure, since then, an able article in the National Intelligencer, which called upon the north to consider gravely whether such a mode of warfare as they had inaugurated is likely to yield a success commensurate to its cost.

And now gentlemen, I will repeat my sincere regret that I am obliged to subject you tot his inconvenience. I have no object but to procure the release of those six citizens of Virginia who are now wrongfully imprisoned, and therefore will make you as comfortable as possible. It is notorious, that many of our most respectable citizens, who have been imprisoned by your government for similar or less serious cause, have been confined in the same room with condemned malefactors. Gentlemen, you need have no fears of such treatment whilst in my custody. I propose to retain four of you, and release the fifth on his parole that he will use his utmost efforts to procure the release of those six gentlemen. If he succeed, you will be discharged at once; but if he fail to accomplish this within two weeks, he must surrender himself again to my custody.

Having had our entire Printing Establishment destroyed by the Rebels under General McCausland, we are compelled to call on all persons indebted to us to pay up immediately. The cost of refitting and re-establishing the paper has been very great, and, in order to meet our liabilities in doing so, it is absolutely necessary that those who owe us should pay without delay. Our friends will see the necessity of a prompt compliance with this request in order that we may be enabled to meet our liabilities.

To the many friends who have given us material aid, and encouraged us with words of sympathy and acts of kindness, we would return our heartfelt thanks.

We have no doubt the readers of the Valley Spirit will hail its re-appearance today with feelings of pleasure. Our suspension of four weeks, as all are no doubt aware, was occasioned by the total destruction of our printing office, when the beautiful town of Chambersburg was laid in ashes by the hands of rebel incendiaries.

We have procured from Philadelphia at great expense an entire new outfit, and our office is now complete in all its departments, and we are at length prepared to issue our paper regularly in the future. The delay occasioned was longer than we anticipated, but, owing to some disappointments in receiving our material, was unavoidable.

It will be observed that the size of the paper has been reduced about one third, and its form changed, this has been rendered necessary by the increase in the cost of white paper and all other essentials to the publishing of a newspaper. When better times shall again come, and our country shall again be restored to peace, order and happiness, we expect to resume our old shape and conform our price tot he order of things "in the good time coming"; but until that "good time" does come, necessity gives us no choice in this matter.

Our loss has been very heavy, fully $6000. Our types, presses, and all other printing material have been melted in the crucible of rebel barbarity; our subscription list being all that we saved from the wreck. This severe loss compels us to ask immediate payment from those who owe us, in order to meet the liabilities incurred by us in refitting the establishment. In future we are compelled by necessity to enforce the Cash System. The increased prices of everything, white paper, labor, and all the necessaries of life, for which we must Pay Cash, demands that we must also Receive cash for our labor, or become crippled in our business.

Of the causes that operated to bring destruction on our town, and ruin to its inhabitants, we do not propose, at this time, to say anything; hereafter we may have much to say. One thing however is certain, that there has been gross direlection [sic] of duty on the part of the government in failing to provide for the defense of the border, by not keeping an adequate force in such positions as to be ready to meet and repel such bands of miscreants as McCausland's. It seems that border states and border counties are to be the principal sufferers by this infernal war; that the favored regions further North are, by their geographical position exempt from its worst horrors; its inhabitants can coolly laugh at our calamities and mock at our fears. We may envy them their exemption from the terrible scenes of war at their doors; but we cannot, those feelings of their hearts that causes no sympathetic chord to vibrate at the sufferings of their fellows.

We would say in conclusion to our Democratic friends, and to the suffering people of our county, be of good cheer. Indications of a brighter day are apparent. The day of misrule and misgovernment is near an end. The glorious spectacle of a prosperous re-united, and happy people, will soon again be presented in this land, now so cursed by rebellion, tyranny and war. God speed the dawn of this brighter day!

We learn that several citizens of Chambersburg have become insane on account of the loss of their entire effects by the late Rebel fire in that town. One of the number, a gentleman, who had been engaged in business for years, was taken through this city, a day or two ago, en route for one of the eastern asylums.--Harrisburg Telegraph.

The above is like much of the stuff published in the newspapers as incidents and consequences of the burning of our town. It has no foundation in fact; nobody has become insane lately that we know of, it is true however that some of our citizens have been slightly deranged ever since the breaking out of the rebellion, but we are happy to say that they are rapidly recovering and are expected to be sufficiently sane to vote for the nominees of the Democratic party at the next election.

During the winter session of the legislature Mr. Sharpe introduced a bill to indemnify the citizens of the border counties for losses sustained from the rebels and the Pennsylvania militia. Every legitimate argument was used to secure its passage. But the Republican party holding a majority in both branches of the legislature fought the measure with a vindictiveness that seemed more akin to personal animosity against our people than fair and manly opposition. Every parliamentary trick was resorted to for the purpose of embarrassing the passage of the bill. The result is too well known to require further exposition.

On the morning of the 30th of July our beautiful town was laid in ashes by the vandalism and barbarity of a desperate band of freebooters, commanded, by the infamous McCausland. Two hundred and sixty-five dwelling houses were consumed by fire. Over three thousand people were pecuniarily ruined, and the greater part of them rendered houseless and homeless. The destruction of the town was in obedience to the command of General Early, and was justified by him as a retaliatory act for the atrocities committed by General Hunter in the Valley of the Shenandoah.

The legislature was convened in extraordinary session by the proclamation of the Governor; the members were invited to visit Chambersburg by a committee of our citizens, and the facility of an excursion train, free of charge, was tendered to them by the magnanimity of Col. Lull, the gentlemanly superintendent of the Cumberland Valley Railroad. The august body visited the ruins and departed, carrying the hopes and fears of our distressed people.

The prospect of relief seemed so bright that no one despaired of success. There could not possibly be any room for doubt or quibbling about the desperate condition of our people, for the legislature had been here and had witnessed the sore straits we were in with their own eyes. How could they stifle all the common sympathies of humanity, and steel their breasts against such a calamity? The thing seemed incredible to every right thinking man. No one could believe that the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania, could demean herself so much as to refuse a liberal appropriation. But those who indulged in such cheering anticipations, little knew how a great State may be disgraced, when ruled by very small men. They had not yet learned by a little experience, how utterly reckless corrupt and demoralized the Republican party which now governs this grand old commonwealth, with a rod of iron, has become. They could not appreciate the truth, that the people, by their lethargy, and indifference to their true interests, will sometimes suffer men to be sent to the legislature, so utterly bankrupt in principle and character, and so notoriously debauched, as to make the only approach to their understanding, by the way of their pockets. This may seem harsh talk, but it is nevertheless true, and the sequel will justify us, in saving much more.

Mr. Sharpe introduced a carefully prepared bill, into the House, making an appropriation of half a million of dollars, for the relief of Chambersburg. This was the shape in which the bill came into the House. When the bill was passing through the committee of the whole House, upon the motion of a Republican, (Mr. Wells, of Susquehanna county,) an effort was made to reduce the sum from half a million to fifty thousand dollars. This attempt was unsuccessful. Upon the motion of Mr. Smith, a Republican from the city of Philadelphia, one hundred thousand dollars. This effort was successful, and the bill was reported back to the House, by the committee of the whole, in that shape. When the bill was on second reading in the House, Mr. Sharpe moved to amend it by striking out the words, "one hundred thousand" and inserting one million of dollars. He supported his amendment by a powerful and unanswerable speech, which we will take pleasure in publishing in our next issue. A perusal of the speech will show, that every argument was used, to persuade the legislature to pass the bill. As soon as Mr. Sharpe had taken his seat, a number of insignificant Republican orators took the floor, and attempted to make a lame defence, for the rascally and heartless votes they were about to give. It soon became apparent, from the temper of the republican side of the House, that the proposition to appropriate a million of dollars could not be successful. Whereupon Mr. Schofield, a democratic member from the city of Philadelphia, moved to amend Mr. Sharpe's motion by reducing the amount to five hundred thousand dollars. A vote was taken, and twenty-six voted in the affirmative. Of this number, twenty-five were Democrats, and one was a Republican. The name of this Republican ought to be written in letters of gold, upon the lintels of the desolated homesteads of our people. The gentleman who had manliness to break through the trammels of a base party, was the accomplished and eloquent member from Delaware county, (Mr. Price.) On the motion of Mr. Quigley, a Democrat member from Philadelphia, an effort was made to secure an appropriation of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. This was defeated by five votes. Five republican members voted in the affirmative, to wit: Mr. Bigham, (of Alleghany,) Mr. Coleman, (of Lebanon,) Dr. McClellan, (of Chester,) Mr. Cochran, (of Philadelphia,) and Mr. Price, (of Delaware.) The next motion was for an appropriation of two hundred thousand dollars, which was carried by nine majority, and the bill was sent to the Senate for concurrence.

At the commencement of the session the Senate had passed a resolution not to consider any private bills at the extraordinary session. As soon as Mr. McSherry, our indifatigable [sic] Senator called the bill up, Lowry of Erie, the Boanerges of the Republicans in the Senate raised the point of order that, it being a private bill, could not be considered by the Senate on account of the resolution which had been adopted. Mr. Speaker Penny promptly decided that the point of order was well taken, and ruled the bill out. Mr. McSherry then made an eloquent and manly appeal to Lowry to withdraw his point of order. He refused to do so unless Mr. McSherry would agree to take fifty thousand dollars. Mr. McSherry indignantly refused to consent to this insulting proposition, and turning to the Senators around him, he besought them in a speech of convincing argument and great power, to have the magnanimity to rescind the rule adopted by the Senate, so as to allow the bill to be considered. He succeeded in getting a two-third vote, and the rule was suspended. But despite all his argument and remonstrances, the Republicans in the Senate curtailed the appropriation to the miserable pittance of one hundred thousand dollars, and the bill finally passed for this amount. It exonerates all the real estate upon which buildings were burned from State and County taxes for three years, and from School taxes for this year. It also exempts all our business men who were sufferers by the fire from all mercantile licenses for two years.

The legislative record will show that the Republican party was the implacable foe of this great measure for the relief of our people. Several of the members of that party were so utterly lost to decency as to propose to sell their votes for a pecuniary consideration. They were indignantly informed that the people of Chambersburg had not yet fallen so low as to buy justice from a venal legislature with bribes. We have given this plain and unvarnished account of the relief bill so that the citizens of the border counties may know upon whom the responsibility of defeating all their measures of relief ought to rest. It any one will take the trouble to examine the laws passed by the last legislature, he will find the utmost recklessness and extravagance by the Republicans in voting large bounties to volunteers, and for other purposes connected with the war. Millions of the peoples money are wickedly voted away to shoddy contractors and political favorites. Millions are squandered to tax, oppress and enslave the citizen, but not a dollar is voted to lighten the war burdens of the border counties. When the Republicans are asked for relief to help the citizens of Chambersburg to re-build their homes they answer, "no, you have no right to it." When they are told "our houses were burned by a public enemy as an expiation for the destruction of property in the South, and our policies of insurance are worthless," they answer, "we do not recognize any distinction between the destruction of your property by a public enemy, or by an accidental fire," "and you have no more right to ask aid in the one case than you would have in the other."

Such are the arguments of the Republicans to your appeal for aid. Ye honest men of Chambersburg who can break away from the thral[l]dom of party answer these Republican sophistries by your ballots at the polls, on the second Tuesday of October. Let them see that you have a little of the stuff left in you that honest men are made of. Do not be beguiled by the deceitful lie, that it is necessary to elect a Republican in order to carry your bill. Past experience has shown that there is not a Republican in Franklin County that can by any legitimate personal influence control three votes of his own party on this subject. Clear the augean stables by turning out the rotten Republican party. Make the legislature Democratic, and you will at last get justice.

It is stated now that the retreat of Sheridan up the Shenandoah Valley was not caused by Early'[s] movements, so much as by the Administration. A staff officer, high in position in Sheridan's army, is our authority for stating that when the Federal troops were drawn up the other day prepared to give Early battle near Strasburg a perem[p]tory order was sent to Sheridan from Washington, commanding his retreat to the Potomac. This is precisely similar to Wright's case a month ago. He was ordered to retreat through Snicker's Gap toward Washington, by the Administration, and the defeat of Hunter and the burning of Chambersburg were the consequences.--Age.

During the past two weeks many of our citizens have cleared away the ruins of their buildings preparatory to their re-erection at an early day. Some have already commenced the work of re-building; Mr. E.D. Reid, on Queen St., has his house well advanced; Jacob S. Brown has added an additional story to his Hotel, corner of Queen and Second streets; Jacob Sellers is energetically at work preparing for the erection of a large three storied Hotel, on the site of the old building, corner of Market and Second streets, and expects to have it finished in two months; Mr. John Schofield has erected a one-and-a-half storied brick building in the rear of his former residence. The Bank, we learn, has contracted for the erection of a fine building on their lot, and many others design rebuilding as soon as material and workmen can be had. Our citizens seem determined not to give way to feelings of despondency, but rather to rise with the occasion and restore our once beautiful town to its former prosperity.