Valley Spirit

In our last issue we made some observations on what we believed to be the designs of the radical leaders now controlling the party in power. Events daily transpiring have confirmed us, not only in the belief that they intend to divide the country, but that their ultimate design is a total subversion of our republican form of government and the establishment of a military despotism. The enlistment bill of Senator Wilson, conferring absolute power on the President over the militia of the several States; the bill granting to the President, at his discretion, the power of suspending the writ of habeas corpus and Thad. Stevens' negro soldier bill, together with the many arbitrary acts of this administration and its utter disregard of the sacred obligations of the Constitution, all point unerringly toward the establishment of an absolute despotism on the ruins of our republican institutions.

In view of these facts it is the duty of all true patriots, of whatever name or party, to awake to a sense of the dangers that are threatening the destruction of our noble form of government. The danger is imminent and admits of no delay. It will require prompt, energetic, vigorous and determined action on the part of the true friends of the government to save us from impending anarchy and despotism. The fatal and destructive policy of the administration has brought the country to the very verge of run, whilst the bold, bad men who have urged it on in its course and whose mad counsels it has heeded, are dancing in fearful orgies over the ruins they have created.

The administration might, perhaps, yet save the country from total ruin if it would change its present suicidal policy, discard the destructive and revolutionary doctrines of abolitionism, and recall Gen. McClellan to the head of the Army. In this way it could restore confidence to a demoralized army, renew the hopes of a disheartened people and by a few vigorous blows struck at the "heart of the rebellion," between now and the first of May next, (the time fixed by Greely for a recognition of the Southern Confederacy), the waning fortunes of the Republic might be retrieved and the unity of the nation and constitutional liberty preserved.

But of this we have no hope. Fanaticism has gone too far to recant. Ephraim is joined to his idols and the only hope now rests with God and the people. We cannot believe that either will permit the destruction of the noblest form of government ever devised by man's wisdom. We have an abiding faith in the patriotism of the people. We believe they will prove equal to the task of preserving the Government from the combined assaults of Southern and Northern traitors who are attempting its overthrow, the former by armed rebellion and the latter by the subversion of the Constitution and laws.

How it is to be done we cannot well see at present, but that the people in some way or other will yet rescue the country from the gulf of ruin to which it has been brought by Northern fanaticism and Southern treason, we have no doubt. But it behooves them to be on the alert and carefully note the drift of events. Let every true patriot, who desires to see perpetuated the priceless legacy bequeathed to us by our fathers, and purchased with their blood, ponder well the inquiry at the head of this article, remembering always that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.["]

Correspondence of the Spirit and Times.

Camp of "Tyler's Brigade," 5th Corps,
Near Fredericksburg, Va.
February 1st, 1863.

The most violent and disagreeable storms we have experienced since our military service commenced, came upon us last week. It snowed, blowed and rained almost incessantly for three days, the snow finally getting the mastery, and now as it is melting away leaves us in mud so deep that it would take a long pole to fathom it.

The chief talk about camp at present is in regard to the recent change of commanders. Gen. Burnside was not looked upon as a brilliant, dashing chieftain, nor was his executive capacity considered sufficiently comprehensive for the government of so large an army as this immense force around me. But he had the respect and esteem of every one, except, perhaps, a few croakers, for his uprightness and honesty, his pure patriotism and I might say, especially for the almost brotherly affection known to exist between him and Gen. McClellan. His was not the temper[a]ment to cause any remarkable degree of enthusiasm among his command; but his motives elicited admiration, and if he failed to execute them successfully they were honest failures, owing to no lack of support from his men but the disparity of his own ability with the magnitude of his operations. Gen. Hooker who succeeds him, has a record which establishes his bravery and skill beyond a doubt; but he has yet to show that he too is not deficient in the same quality of a great commander needed by Gen. Burnside, namely: executive capacity. The government of an army of two hundred thousand men in time of war, is a stupendous task, and demands a mind possessing an extraordinary combination of qualities, vouchsafed to but few in the military movements of the past and hardly yet developed in the events of our own time. The star of Rosecrans rises with almost dazzling brightness over the field of Murfreesboro', and his name is lauded all over the land. Yet taken from his present command of perhaps 60,000 men and transferred to this field, he would fail in satisfying the demands of the country and advancing to success, from the want of that important and essential quality referred to in Burnside and as many assert in Hooker also. Thus far the only man approaching the standard of ability for the task, has unquestionably been McClellan. He received the unqualified endorsement of Gen. Burnside himself in this respect, and the army to-day holds him pre-eminent above every other man as the best fitted to command them. It is to gratify no indulgence of feeling for Gen. McClellan that I refer to him. But it is a well-known fact that the affairs of this army have not been controlled with the same degree of ability, nor has the same degree of success attended its efforts since his departure from it. The progress of time but strengthens the confidence of the army in McClellan, and history is amply vindicating his wisdom and his fame. With the assumption of command by Gen. Hooker, a new era in our existence begins. We enter upon it full of hope for the speedy and complete success of our army. He will, I doubt not, receive a cordial and earnest support, and if another failure comes to be recorded, it is chargeable alone to the almost unpardonable mismanagement that seems to characterize nearly every movement of the Army of the Potomac.

Quite a large batch of orders have been recently issued, having in view the better discipline of the army; preventing desertions, which by the way are enormously on the increase; calling for thorough and complete inspections; restricting permits for absence, &c., &c., all of which if faithfully carried out will bring about a better state of affairs.

A large number of vacancies caused by resignations, deaths and dismissals, now exist in every Army Corps. In our own Brigade the official Roster is greatly reduced. There is plenty of good material to fill these vacancies, but will hardly be made available except in necessitous cases, owing to the comparatively short time we have yet to serve.

Owing to the continued absence of Gen. Tyler and the recent departure of Brig. Gen. Humphreys on a short visit to Washington, Col. Gregory is now in command of the Division, and Lieut. Col. D. W. Rowe of the Brigade.

We expect to occupy a new camp ground tomorrow about a mile from this point. It is said to be a much pleasanter location and has plenty of good water and wood convenient.

The boys are in better health than they have been at any time since we have been on this ground. It was supposed that the recent exposure and march through the mud would produce much sickness, but the pro[g]nostications on this point have very agreeably failed of realization. The boys are carefully noting the days as they lessen our period of return. Less than three months hence and I hope that every one of our present number may be blessed in the happiness, joys and comforts of home. This especially is the prayerful wish if [sic] your correspondent.

Shenandoah.

The religious meetings among the different evangelical denominations in this place, continue with increased interest--the meetings being well attended.

In the National House of Representatives on Friday a week, the negro soldier bill, introduced by Mr. Stevens, was under discussion. We select from the debate as follows:

The House resumed the consideration of the negro soldier bill.

Mr. Wadsworth (Ky.) protested against its passage. It was a confession to the world of our desperate condition, and that our efforts to suppress the rebellion have failed. Unsuccessful in saving the Constitution and hope of liberty on this Continent, it was now proposed to acknowledge that the negro was now our only hope of salvation. This he would not admit. He still thought that there was wisdom, valor and strength enough in the people to preserve all we held dear, and that Almighty God will turn aside the troubles which now embarrass us.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) had explained the reason for the passage of this bill, which was drawn up by the Secretary of War himself. It was to put the negro soldier on an equality with the white as to military protection in the event of being taken prisoners; but this was not the true reason. Its purpose was to organize in military array the negro, proclaimed free by the President's proclamation, to entrench them on the soil of the cotton States, and maintain them there, to exterminate or drive off the whites of that section. Of what use would be the proclamation of emancipation unless followed up by the arming the [sic] negroes as now proposed. The President having now taken the step there was no retreat from it. He had yielded to the clamors of his ultra friends. While opp[o]sing the bill generally, he contended it is not our policy to call negroes into the war as soldiers when we can obtain a far better class of defenders.

Mr. Wright (Penna.) said this government and the Union were the result of compromise. In concession and compromise it had its birth; the very day the Declaration went forth to the Colonies from Independence Hall, there was compromise and concession. From that period to 1850 such a policy has prevailed. The Union was then saved by the compromise of the great and ruling spirits of the land, Clay, Webster, Calhoun and others, meeting together for that purpose. Were gentlemen here less wise than those men? If ever there was a time in the history of the country when concession and compromise should be exhibited it was now.

The enactment of a measure repulsive to the sentiment of a large mass of people might produce such a state of affairs that we some morning might awake to find we have no government in existence. [A voice--"Yes we will."]

Mr. Wright was willing to make any honorable sacrifice, now that the other side of the chamber show a corresponding disposition. If gentlemen here would all agree upon a base of compromise as to the conduct of this war, it should not last three months. He opposed the bill because, among other reasons, it would produce demoralization, and the soldiers of the army had said to him that if black men were sent to them, they will regard it as a condemnation of their conduct, and leave the service if they can. How far this feeling extends, he was not able to say.

He said the white Anglo-Saxon race was capable of taking care of itself; but if we have not power to maintain our position, negroes cannot help us out of the difficulty. They were not reliable in the military service.

He believed that by a re-construction of the Cabinet, and the restoration of General McClellan to the army, the country could be saved. [At this point applause broke forth in heavy volumes from the galleries, accompanied by stamping of feet and clapping of hands].

The Speaker said if such disorders were repeated, he would order the galleries to be cleared.

Mr. Wright said that McClellan was not a favorite of his. He had never advocated him here, but he believed that no other general in the army embodies the feelings and sentiments of his troops.

If you want to carry victory on your arms you must have a commander in whom the army have confidence. It was idle to talk about victory with a demoralized army. McClellan, he repeated, was the head of the American Army, and should be placed in command. [The galleries again broke forth in applause, but somewhat suppressed in consequence of the Speaker's admonition, which was now repeated.]

Mr. Wright, resuming, said, let the President make a new and mixed Cabinet, representing the two great parties of the country, restore General McClellan to command, and call for two hundred thousand men, who would rush to his standard in an instant.

Addressing the Republicans, he said: You must abandon your ultra notions, or we are gone. We have got to compromise. Abandon the proposition to bring negroes into the army, or we are lost.

Mr. Diven (N.Y.) did not think that this bill was of such paramount importance as to justify the excitement it has produced in this hall. He thought the President already possessed the power to employ negro soldiers. Provision was already made for their employment in all conditions to which their services can be made efficient, but he preferred his own proposal, offered in June last, making provision for their emigration, and, in addition to their employment, making provision for themselves and families; their operations to be confined to rebel localities, and not to operate on the border States loyal to the Union.

Mr. Cox, while opposing the bill, remarked that its object was to produce a dissolution of the Union; for gentlemen from border States have said that it would be impossible to restore the Union if negroes are brought into the field, like fiends of hell in accordance with the policy which began in hate and is followed up by a spirit of vengeance. A large portion of our army is made up of Celtic blood, and he would tell gentlemen that they would not fight beside negroes. The prejudice cannot be eradicated.

As Mr. Lovejoy had made some allusion to his diminutive size, he was reminded of an epitaph, which he lately saw in a newspaper about the gentlemen from Illinois, as follows:

Beneath this stone good Owen Lovejoy lies,
Little in everything except his size;
What though his burly body fills this hole;
Yet through Hell's key-hole crept his little soul.
[Great laughter.] But he did not believe
this of the gentlemen from Illinois.