Valley Spirit

The condition of the military affairs of the country are not as flattering at the present time, as the hopes of the people led them to expect. The army of Virginia has fallen back from the line of the Rappahannock to some point we hardly know where. We have accounts of two successful rebel raids in the rear of Pope's army within a week, and also a rumor that the rebels are at Manassas in force, which however we discredit. It is exceedingly difficult with the confused and conflicting reports that reach us, to arrive at anything like a correct understanding of the real condition of things.

One thing, however, is certain, our arms have met with some serious reverses of late, and we are apparently no nearer the end of this struggle than we were a year ago. We say apparently, for we still hope and believe that with the new levies now pouring into the field, that the campaign may be so managed by those in authority, as to turn the tide of victory in our favor, the war be brought to a speedy termination, and the national authority re-established over every foot of territory belonging to the nation.

Among the mistakes that have been made in the past, the first and greatest in our opinion, was under-estimating the strength and resources of the South. Our rulers seemed to have had no adequate conception of the task before them. The people also were carried away by the same delusion, and permitted themselves to run into the wildest extravagance and fanaticism on the subject. This rebellion was to be crushed out in a few weeks or months at most. It was to be a mere breakfast-task some told us, and he who dared to differ from these absurd notions, was put down as a "sympathizer with treason." We have all since been convinced of the fatal error by sad experience.

Another mistake, the logical consequence of the other, was made in not calling out a sufficient force at once to crush out the rebellion, and restore the national authority. We solemnly believe that with 200,000 additional men in the field after our brilliant successes in the Southwest, and when Gen. McClellan first advanced into Virginia, the war would be substantially ended to-day, and the authority of the government under a process of successful restoration in all the States. Then the rebellion was tottering to its fall, and one heavy blow struck in Virginia, such as 200,000 additional men could have struck, would have ended its life at once.

But unfortunately for the country, Congress was in session at the time, both branches controlled in a great measure by men of one idea--miserable charlatans, abstractionists and theorists, devoid of common sense and lacking in everything necessary to constitute practical statesmanship. These men had other ends to accomplish than the saying of the country. They had a party programme to carry out. Slavery had to be abolished in the District of Columbia and the Territories. Confiscation and emancipation bills were introduced and urged with a persevering energy and fanatical zeal, regardless of Constitutional objections or their injurious effect upon the Union cause in the Slave States. Through the clamor and "pressure" of these men, President Lincoln was induced to step aside from the plain path of his duty and tinker at the slavery question. With all due respect for the President, and full confidence in the honesty of his intentions, we think he made a serious blunder in bringing forward his "emancipation policy" at that particular time. It has not resulted in anything practical, and it is apparent to us that it never will. What we wanted then was what we want now, a more vigorous prosecution of the war by throwing an overwhelming force into the field. If the President, instead of sending his ill-timed message into Congress asking the Border States to liberate their slaves, had issued a proclamation calling into the field several hundred thousand new men, the results might have proved of infinite importance, and the country would not be in the condition we find it to-day.

But we do not wish to grieve over the past, or needlessly deplore that which cannot now be remedied. We simply allude to the facts with the hope, that similar errors may be avoided in the future. We want the whole power and resources of the loyal portion of the country thrown into this struggle, in order to suppress this unholy, terrible and damning rebellion at once. This must be done and that as speedily as possible. If this war should be permitted to last until the resources of the country are exhausted we shall have anarchy in the country as certain as tomorrow's sun shall rise; and after anarchy we will have despotism as its legitimate and logical sequence. Hence the necessity of putting an end to this war in the shortest possible time in which it can be done.

We also want that miserable tribe of fanatical and one-idea men who occupy seats in the present Congress turned out, and their places filled by men of sense--men who have the ability to comprehend the magnitude of the crisis through which we are passing, and the patriotism to adapt the means to the end, regardless of sectional prejudices or partisan bigotry. We want no more trifling whilst the nation is trembling upon the brink of ruin. In conclusion, we append the following appropriate remarks from that staunch Union paper, the Louisville Democrat:

The late disgusting acts of Congress, proposing confiscation, emancipation, and the employment of negroes, all resulted from conscious weakness. They were desperate expedients to supply the lack of power. If they had called for the whole power of the country the rebellion would have fallen without any of these desperate expedients, and it will never be put down with them. We want no new laws with hard penalties leading to barbarous results. We want soldiers, soldiers, soldiers in countless multitudes--legions, that there is no power in this conspiracy to resist.

This will be a vigorous and energetic prosecution of the war. The parade of laws on the statute-book and bulky proclamations are all idle. With such force no more laws are needed, no unconstitutional enactments or unconstitutional practices are wanted. Such power can afford to be generous as well as just. It will accomplish the end without a trespass on private rights or personal liberty. In its presence we can afford to support the dominion of law and order, and dispense with suspicions and watchfulness, which comparative weakness is compelled to resort to. Let us have this sort of vigor.

P.S. Since writing the foregoing article we have received important and stirring news from the seat of war in Virginia. A series of battles have been fought during the last week. A severe engagement took place on Friday between Gen. Popes forces and the rebel forces under Gen. Jackson, on the old Bull Run battle ground, between Centerville and Manassas. After fighting from early in the morning until late in the evening, the rebels were driven back and Gen. Pope retained possession of the field during the night. The next day, Gen. Jackson being heavily re-inforced, renewed the contest, and after severe fighting, Gen. Pope was compelled to fall back to Centerville, which he did in good order. Since then the news has been vague and unsatisfactory. We refer our readers to our news columns to gather such information as we have been able to give them.

There is a small sheet published in this place calling itself the semi-weekly-dispatch. Its semi-weakly contents are composed of a compound of fanaticism, bigotry and malice. It intensely hates everything that is just, national and conservative, and pursues with a vindictive malignity becoming a demon, all persons who disapprove of the bigoted fanaticism which it advocates. It publishes in its columns, the prattle of children two years of age, for the purpose of casting reproach on their parents.

If three or four Democrats happen to meet on the street and engage in conversation, the fact is published in its next issue as the meeting of a treasonable conclave. It has in its employ, a set of spies, eaves-droppers and informers, who report imaginary conversations and looks of Democrats for publication. It is governed by no fixed principle and has no "method in its madness," but wanders about in darkness like a Will-o-the-wisp, indulging in all sorts of inconsistencies, such as endorsing the order of Gen. Hunter liberating the slaves in his department, on Tuesday, and on Friday of the same week, endorsing the order of the President repudiating Hunter's order.

The poor thing is afflicted with a deep-seated and chronic enmity towards the Valley Spirit and Times; and though we pity it in its distress we regard its hatred as a compliment to ourselves. It keeps carping, snarling and barking at us regularly after the fashion of a very small terrier dog. All we have to say on that point is, that if it derives as much pleasure from the employment as we do amusement, we advise it to keep on. In short it is an immense paper and has an immense circulation particularly in the country, which country circulation is regularly carried to the Post-office by a small boy in his vest pocket.

The ostensible Editor of the semi-weakly concern is a man who has never been known to entertain an idea above the negro. He is an ardent disciple of Garrison, Phillips and Greely, and an intimate friend and associate of Fred. Douglas. During the visit of that distinguished colored individual to this place a few years ago, our friend of the Dispatch is said to have called upon his Highness at the house of a colored friend in town. The interview we have no doubt was mutually agreeable. That was immediately before the John Brown raid into Virginia, with which the above stated interview might have had some connection.

In one of his issues of last week appears a characteristic attack on the Spirit and Times, which is about the lamest attempt at with and satire we have ever seen. In strict accordance with the petty malice governing the establishment, its venom is hissed, serpent-like, at the new member of the firm.

The author of this article, we have no doubt, is a certain profound legal gentleman who changes his political opinions, we believe; not more than twice a year, and boasts upon the street of being the Editor and having a pecuniary interest in the concern. We would say to him, that we do not pretend to be learned in the law, but if we ever should turn our attention in that direction, we hope to have his valuable assistance as prosecuting attorney for the county.

Correspondence of the Spirit and Times

Headquarters 3d Brigade, Sturgis Div.
Alexandria, VA., Aug. 29, 1862.

Messrs Editors: The 126th Pennsylvania has been thrown into the Third Brigade of Sturgis' Division, which consists of the 91st, 126th and 129th Pennsylvania, and an Ohio regiment and battery. It is under command of Brig Gen E E Tyler, of Ohio, who has seen much active service and is reputed to be a brave and efficient officer. The other Brigade officers, as far as I have learned their names, are Capt. and A. A. G., E. S. Quay; Lieut and A.D.C., Wm Given; Capt and A.Q.M., John Morris; and Capt and C.S., J.G. Willis. I have had the distinguished pleasure of becoming acquainted with most of these gentlemen, have found them all courteous and accommodating, and can safely pledge them all to do their duty under any and all circumstances.

We have had stirring times in this vicinity during the past week. The roar of the enemy's cannon is almost continually ringing in our ears. Of course but very little that occurs is allowed to find its way into the public prints, and that little is very unreliable, being chiefly concocted by persons miles away from the field of action, no newspaper correspondents being allowed any intercourse with the army. Our information is very limited and some things we have an inkling of it would be impolitic to allude to. Suffice it to say, communication with Pope's army has been completely cut off by Jackson's forces, who now hold Manassas Junction in force. Whether they will be cut off and compelled to surrender, or whether the same fate awaits our forces, remains to be seen. I do not regard the movements and engagements of the last few days as looking anything like a Federal Victory. There can be no doubt of the fact that Manassas is very strongly fortified, whatever assertions may have been made to the contrary; those fortifications are now held by the rebels, and are between Pope's army and Washington. Strong blows and heavy artillery only will now determine which army has succeeded in cutting the other off.

Our regiment did not move, as anticipated, last week. Our whole brigade remained behind, though the other brigades of our Division advanced to Manassas, and participated in one of the recent engagements. On Wednesday evening, we were ordered to strike tents and prepare to march, and laid on our arms the whole night, when the order was countermanded and we again took up our temporary abode on the old camping ground. Several of the railroad bridges on the Manassas road are burned, and this may account for the delay in our movements. Shortly after dusk, on the evening referred to, we received the first news of the fighting at Manassas and Centreville, and of the retrograde movement of a portion of our army. One continuous stream of baggage wagons and ambulances had been filing by our camp all afternoon; and soon a report was spread around the camp that the rebels had even advanced between Centreville and Washington and were about attacking our forces at Fairfax Court House, which, if they had succeeded in taking, would have probably placed us in the same condition as Pope. We were drawn up in line of battle, commanded to load our guns, and then permitted to lie down and sleep if we felt so disposed, and sleep we did, very soundly too, for we had been drawn up in line with our guns, knapsacks and accoutrements all fixed for moving and remained for several hours, expecting every moment to take up the line of march for the scene of action, where in the distance the thunder of the cannon was rolling along the hills.

I see some of our papers have deemed it worth while to refer to the gallant "Water-melon charge" of the 126th, and it seems proper that I should allude to the matter. It is true that some indiscreet and blameworthy young men did enter a car, which was standing on the sideling, at Bridgeport, through an open door, and take therefrom some water-melons. It is also true that subsequently a door was broken open, and altogether, perhaps, some thirty or forty melons taken. Yet, for this conduct, it is to be hoped the friends at home will not seek to blame the whole regiment. We know the proceeding was openly and most strongly denounced by the great majority; and as soon as the officers discovered the outrage, they put a stop to it at once. That is was an outrage, it would be useless to deny, and I assure you the disgrace is keenly felt. Yet we all unite in denouncing the statement which appeared in the Harrisburg Telegraph, to the effect that four hundred melons, or one hundred dollars worth, were taken, as an unmitigated falsehood, which both the man who told the tale and he who wrote the article knew to be such. I sincerely hope some movement will be made to compensate the unfortunate individual for the loss of his melons. But somehow those who participated most extensively in the "charge," seem to be the least willing to respond to such a call.

We in the North complain of the effects of the War, but to see it in all its horrors one should visit Alexandria. It almost equals the description of Goldsmith's Deserted Village, with the exception of the stir and bustle created by the proximity of our large army. Half the houses and stores and deserted, and the streets are neglected and dirty, while the whole city seems to be one immense hospital, or army storehouse, with long trains of wagons or ambulances rumbling over the roughly paved streets at all hours of the day and night.

I am at present detached from the Regiment, being in the Brigade Quarter-master's Department, but see or hear from "the boys" daily, and will endeavor to keep you posted on all the news.

Several of the "messes" desire me to think, individually and collectively, those kind friends who have kept them so well supplied with delicacies and conveniences, and I take great pleasure in adding my own having done my best to demolish the contents of several of the boxes. In this connection it might not be out of place to say that our address till remains unchanged.

K.

This Regiment is now fully organized, armed and equipped, and is at "Camp Stanton," near the Orange and Alexandria Rail Road, and numbers 900 strong. Its organization is as follows:

Colonel, James G. Elder.
Lieut. Colonel, D. Watson Rowe.
Major, James C. Austin.
Quartermaster, T. Jefferson Nill.
Adjutant, John Stewart.
Surgeon, Frank. Grabe.
Assistant Surgeon, D.D. Swift.
Sergeant Major, George F. Zugler.
Quartermaster Sergeant, William Allison.
Hospital Stewart, B. B. Hershey.
Chaplain, Rev. S. J. Niccolls.
Company A--Captain, John Doebler, Franklin county.
Company B--Capt., W.H. Davidson, Franklin county.
Company C--Captain, R.S. Brownson, Franklin County.
Company D--Captain John H. Reed, Franklin County.
Company E--Captain William W. Walker, Franklin county.
Company F--Captain, John P. Wharton, Juniata county.
Company G--Capt. Geo. L. Miles, Frank. co.
Company H--Capt. John H. Walker, Franklin county.
Company I--Captain Amos H. Martin, Juniata county.
Company K--Captain A.R. Davison, Franklin county.