Valley Spirit

A glance along the line of the army shows one of the most remarkable views which the world has ever presented.--In the history of civil wars heretofore, and in general in the history of wars between nation and nation, the contest has been confined to one or two prominent points at a time, and the lines of armies have been extended but a few miles. In America we seem to do everything on a grand scale, so that in our very civil wars we present the picture of perhaps a more extended array of hostile lines than the world has hitherto witnessed.

Beginning at Fortress Monroe, says the Journal of Commerce, and passing thence to Annapolis, Baltimore, Washington and westward, we find the vast hosts of the Northern and Middle States, numbered by hundreds of thousands, stretching their camps along the Potomac or occupying the most important strategical positions between the ocean and the mountains. West of the mountains the Union forces are pressing downward into Virginia, clearing Kentucky of the enemy, driving the hordes of General Price southward into Arkansas, and preparing for the great advance down the Mississippi. Thus from Kansas to the ocean every State, almost every county, is occupied by one or the other of the two forces now striving for the supremacy or overthrow of the Union. The line of war is more than a thousand miles, and the men that are on it, or thronging toward it, arms in hand, will soon be nearly a million. This stupendous display of force may well be compared with the greatest wars which history has recorded. Nor is the subject matter of dispute one of any less grandeur than the magnitude of the array. Perhaps no war was ever entered upon by nations, in which the stake was so great or demanding such outlays of treasure and blood. It is no diplomatic quarrel, no dispute over the prices of goods, nor even the succession on a throne of a line of kings. But the question is whether a nation shall continue to exist, first among the nations of the earth, or shall be henceforth two, or ten, or thirty petty provinces. It is no question of dynasty. The noblest struggles of European armies have been upon family rights to reign, seldom upon questions of national existence. But this is for the life of a people.

For eighty years the name of the United States of America has been on the roll of nations. During that time it has assumed a steadily increasing importance. Feeble at first, and not recognized as having a voice among the great powers, it has become strong, its fleets sailing on every sea, its citizens the equal of princes in every land, and its voice has been as loud and effective in decreeing the destinies of the world as the voice of any nation, however ancient.

The proposition is to blot the name out of the roll, and let the world go on!

It is humiliating to our pride to reflect that the world would go on. We have not been omnipotent, though we have boasted our invincibiity. We have not been so important to the equilibrium of power, though we have laughed at the thought of calamity, and believe ourselves immortal.

But this is no ordinary crisis in the history of a nation, and the question which is now discussed along this line of a thousand miles is one whose decision will cover many pages of the world's history to be read a thousand years hence. It will not be mere history of the battles; but the results will be felt for ages. If the country be stricken down, in the splendor of her strength, the world's history will change thenceforth. If the Union be sustained, the future of the nation will be from strength to strength.--Let men then confine their thoughts to this one issue, the only issue, in the war. Setting aside for the time all minor considerations, let them deliberate on the question how to save the American Union for ourselves and our prosperity. In the magnitude of this issue, the slight reverses which we may meet with from time to time--the slight successes which we may here and there achieve, will cease to excite us to undue regret or rejoicing, while we look to the grand end to be accomplised [sic] by the great armies of the Union.

Notwithstanding Congress solemnly resolved that the war was not waged for emancipation, the Abolition press of the country is determined that emancipation shall be declared by the Government, and is persistently agitating to accomplish this purpose. It is confidently argued that a proclamation declaring the freedom of the slaves would materially assist in putting down rebellion and restoring the Union. So on this point that they seem to have nothing stands in the way of the complete success of our armies but the hesitation of the Government to abolish slavery by proclamation. The virtue they attach to these literary projectiles is as great as the confidence of a Mexican General in the same sort of warlike missile. The theory upon which their longing for a proclamation of emancipation is based is, that the Union needs the co-operation of all its friends to crush out rebellion; that the slaves are all for the Union--and therefore should be liberated and taught to fight against their rebel masters.

This sounds very pretty--but like the old receipt for cooking a fish, which had the important preliminary instruction, to first catch the fish--the great difficulty is to first catch the negro before proceeding to confer upon him the blessings of freedom. Gen. Fremont tried the virtue of a proclamation of emancipation in Missouri. Was it followed by favorable consequences to the Union cause? Let the series of disasters in that State, closing with Lexington, answer. It certainly produced little good impression upon the negroes, and worked considerable mischief to the Union cause in Missouri and Kentucky. No set of men were better pleased with the original proclamation than the Secessionists in these States--it was grist to their mill. As far as the slaves were affected, it was a dead letter.

A proclamation of emancipation by the President would not be worth the paper on which it is written in assisting our armies to victory. It is necessary to whip the rebel armies before we can reach the slaves--and after we do whip their armies the supposed necessity for arming their slaves would no longer exist. Emancipation as the means of subduing rebellion is sheer humbug. The South was never as secure against the danger of slave insurrections as it is at this time, when the white population is in arms. If the slaves were ever so much disposed to rise they could make no headway so long as every rifle, and sword, and shot gun, and every ounce of ammunition in the South, is in the possession of their masters. Proclamations could not reach them, much less the implements to a successful rising.

The whole agitation of this subject is a practical absurdity, as irrational as all the theories of the crazy Abolitionists. But they are never easy unless plotting some sort of mischief.--Happily the Government turns a deaf ear to their outcries. We have no idea that the policy of emancipation will be attempted--and have therefore confined ourselves to exposing its utter folly and absurdity as a means of suppressing rebellion.

The Night Police appointed by the Town Council have been on duty for several weeks past and have established order and quiet in our borough to an extent never enjoyed before. So well have our municipal laws been enforced against all disturbers of the peace, and so thoroughly have order and good government been established that the Council find they can dispense with the services of four of the watchmen. The reduction in the number of watchmen was made at a late meeting of Council and thus the expenses of the borough curtailed. When the Night Police was first placed on duty our town was nightly the scene of tumultuous proceedings that were fast bringing the good name of our ancient borough into deep disgrace. The torch of the incendiary, too, had been lighted and a general uneasiness was felt by our citizens for the safety of their property. Under these circumstances the Council very wisely concluded to appoint a sufficient police force to guard the town, and all good citizens approved their action. A competent head was placed over the police and trusty men selected for the subordinate positions. A system of signals was established and all other necessary regulations adopted for the thorough organization of the force, which entered upon its duties determined rigidly to enforce the laws and free the town from all sources of danger and disorder. They have accomplished their work well and thoroughly and our citizens cannot but feel grateful to the Council for the prompt and judicious measures taken to preserve the good name, and protect the property, of our town.

A. N. RANKIN, Esq., has disposed of the Repository & Transcript establishment to SNIVELY STRICKLER, Esq. The latter will take charge of the paper as sole proprietor and editor on the 1st of November. Mr. STRICKLER has the ability to make the paper all his party can desire, and in all his dealings with the public, we can say for him, he will be found liberal and honorable.--With the retiring editor we part with many regrets. If we now and then found it necessary or convenient to indulge in no very amiable spats, editors very well understand what these things mean, and never "nurse their wrath to keep it warm" against each other. Mr. RANKIN retires from the printing business on account of ill health. We hope he may hereafter find health of of body, peace of mind, and "a pocket full of rocks" in some position in life less vexations than that of pubishing a newspaper. We must do Mr. RANKIN the justice to say that he has labored faithfully for the good of his party and that under his control its organ in this county has well sustained its former high reputation.