Staunton Vindicator

The Southern whites, and particularly the leading men among them , possess a power they may not have yet realized. Such men as Wade Hampton, Henry A. Wise, and others, like them, while they have not the suffrage and cannot hold office, are able to exercise great influence over the negroes and political affairs. There are from fifty to a hundred thousand of these ostracised old leaders, who are still powerful through their intelligence and position and on the stump. We advise them, then, to carry the revolution which the Northern Radicals have inaugurated to its end -- to its utmost limit. In doing this they should advocate sending negroes to Congress. In every State and district intelligent blacks can be found. Let them be sent to Congress in the proportion of the negro vote. Supposing the Southern States entitled to ninety members in the House of Representatives under the increased vote, thirty negroes should be sent, as that would be about a fair proportion to the numbers of the two races, and out of the twenty Senators six should be black by the same rule. Henry A. Wise has a fine, intelligent and faithful servant, who should be sent from the Old Dominion, to sit by the side of Mr. Sumner in the Senate, and that negro friend of whom Wade Hampton spoke so pathetically, a noble fellow, evidently, might be seated by Wilson, Chandler, Sprague or Trumbull, and be called to the chair occasionally by Ben Wade, the President of the Senate. This is practicable reasonable and fair, and would only be carrying out the theories already established. True, the smell of the negroes might be unpleasant to the dainty Northern Senators and members; but the Southerners would not find it so they could have no objection to black colleagues on that score; for as Yancey once said, the smell was perfume to Southerners. By all means let the South carry out the theories of the Radicals to their logical results by sending both negro Representatives and Senators to Congress. It would create an extraordinary fermentation and reaction in the North, undoubtedly; but what of that? The principle is the thing. Perish every-thing rather than sacrifice principle. In whatever point of view we look at the movements now going on in the South and at the position of parties with regard to the issues that have been raised, we foresee that remarkable changes must take place. We advise the Southerners to use the power the Radicals have placed in their hands and bring the revolution to its logical end.

We of the South are but illy cognizant of the importance which attaches to us in the eyes of Northern men at present. Parties there are looking out to secure success in the next Presidential campaign. The Northern election held since the war, have generally resulted in favor of the Radicals, but with decreasing majorities. Just now the tables seem to be turning and we hear on all sides of Democratic and Conservative triumphs at the polls. The Democratic and Conservatives are taking courage and are looking wistfully to the time when a reconstructed South will add its vote to theirs and aid in restoring the Government to its old Constitutional landmarks. The Radicals on the other hand are trembling lest the power they have swayed so long and so mercifully will be snatched from them. They begin to believe that their high-handed measures will not stand the test of a fair discussion before the people. They fear that the efforts to "republicanize" the South by their "universal manhood suffrage" scheme is a failure, as will cast an almost united vote in favor of conservatism. This fear, from the signs of the times, is likely to induce them to send among us their Senators and Representatives, and lesser lights of the Republican household, to stump every Southern State in the interest of Radicalism. The Conservatives want us reconstructed speedily to accomplish the end they desire, and rather than fail would have us reconstruct under any scheme. The Radicals have gone too far to retreat and will not change their plan, but hope yet by lecturers, stump speakers and the like, to carry the Southern vote in favor of Radicalism. They hold the power and have completely ignored the Executive, as they will the Judicial Department of Government, if its decision is adverse to their policy. We are, therefore, for all that we can see, doomed to have universal suffrage forced upon us. With this fate before us, shall we lie idly by, while Northern canvassers mould to their will the plastic mind of the ignorant freedmen and thus render permanent Radical predominance in this country, and more humiliating the condition of the Southern whites, in that their present condition will be their future one, and for all time to come? Or shall we essay to explain, truthfully and candidly to the newly enfranchised their condition, which has been thrust upon them as well as ourselves, and instruct them in regard to the policy they should pursue, which will alike conduce to their interest and ours? We think there can be no question as to our course. Already the action of prominent Southern men has shown conclusively that there has ever been and is now an abiding sympathy between the Southern whites an blacks, which has made the Radicals doubtful of the success of their reconstruction experiment. The course we have indicated and which we have advocated before can do no possible harm, even should the Supreme Court decide, and speedily, against the constitutionality of the reconstruction scheme an some unanticipated power relieve us, and forever, of its disagreeable onus. We are therefore delighted to learn that prominent gentlemen of Richmond, have accepted an invitation to address the freedmen and give them solicited counsel and advice: This should be done at every point, so that if vote he must he will vote intelligently, which will be for his own interest and that of those who have been his sympathizing friends from early childhood.

The New York Tribune has a lengthy article on the policy of the Republican party in the South, and speaks in strong terms against those few extremists among us who are striving to array the colored population against their former masters. On this subject the Tribune says:

"Far be if rom us to advise a campaign of bitterness. We do not propose to influence the negro by exciting his mind a hatred of his former masters. Nor should we advise any organization antagonistic to those masters. Agitators like Mr. Hunnicutt in Virginia may mean well -- but their zeal is bitter and offensive. to organize a campaign on the Hunnicutt plan is to abandon any hope of a permanent Union party in the South. We cannot afford to array the White against the Black, or the Black against the White. 'White men's ticket' and 'Black men's tickets' -- any ticket, indeed, which represents a prejudice, or a grievance, or the remembrance of any wrong, any party of vengeance and wrath, we shall oppose."

A meeting of the colored people was held in this place on Monday night last. Phillip Russell presided.

The object of the meeting is fully set forth in the Preamble and Resolutions which we publish below.

Preamble and Resolution

We, the freedmen of Augusta County, is Mass Meeting Assembled, do recognize in the events of the late war the judgement and mercies of Divine Providence in sweeping, as with the bosom of [unclear], the foul wrong of human bondage from the face of our country, and trusting to Him for guidance, we will strive to use our personal and political freedom for the glory of His name, and the advancement of the moral and material interests of all. And Whereas, we are called upon to exercise the great privilege of the Franchise, it is due to our friends in other States, as well as to our fellow citizens in Virginia, that we define our political belief on the great questions of the day, and seek such National political association as will add strength to freedom, and also see to it that in the Constitution about to be framed for the government of ourselves and posterity we ask no more than justice, nor accept less than safety.

Therefore, be it Resolved,

That our grateful thanks are due to the gallant armies of the United States who under Providence followed the flag of Liberty and Union until victory crowned their efforts.

Resolved, That we hold in reverent remembrance the memories of those who fell in the cause of Freedom and especially of Abraham Lincoln, "the good," the signer of our deed of emancipation, and the last martyr.

Resolved, That our profound gratitude is due to those in the 39th Congress who, step by step, have perfected for our security the legitimate fruits of successful contest.

Resolved, That our late masters were not themselves legally responsible for withholding from us our natural rights, so we enter upon the exercise of them "with malice towards none, with charity towards all."

Resolved, That we believe the principles dominant in the 39th Congress to be just as well as necessary for our future security, we identify ourselves, and seek affiliation with the National Union Republican Association at Washington and elsewhere.

Resolved, That believing in principles before men, we will not support by our votes at the coming elections any candidates who will not pledge themselves faithfully to advocate our wants and insist upon what we believe to our rights, and shall enforce strict responsibility to such pledges.

Resolved, That we demand,

1st. That all Elections, National, State and Local, shall be by secret Ballot.

2nd. That no man shall be ineligible to office by reason of sect of color.

3rd. That trial by Jury of peers is a right not to be withheld from any man, and we demand admission to the Jury list as well as the Poll list.

4th. That thanking Major Gen. Scholfield for his General order No. 2. March 15th, 1867, we demand that the "prohibition of whipping or maiming as a punishment for any crime, misdemeanor or offence," be made part of the organic law of the State.

5th. That while we are willing to the utmost of our ability to bear our share of the necessary burden of taxation, we demand equal distribution between person and property, and that careful provision be made in the State constitution, and Legislature hereafter assembled under its provisions, to prevent absolutely, and forever, the payment by taxation, directly or indirectly, of any debt contracted by any State or corporation for the support of the late Confederacy, or the armies thereof.

6th. That believing ignorance to be the fruitful parent of crime, wrong and discord, we demand extraordinary State provision for the free education of the young of all classes.

7th. That we deprecate the attempt wherever, or however made, to deter us from the free and untrammelled exercise of the franchise, and look with contempt upon any who are willing to sell this dear bought right for "a mess of pottage."

8th. That believing we ask no more than Justice and safety demand, we pledge ourselves to support by our votes, men committed to the principles set forth herein, and no others -- and firmly realizing that union is strength, we will lay aside all private dissensions, and unite as one man in support those candidates whose nominations are ratified at mass meetings to be held at the call of the Executive Committee.

On motion as Executive Committee was appointed, with power to fill vacancies, and it was mad part of the duties to wait upon Gen. Echols, and other prominent citizens and request them to address the freedmen at such time and places as may be convenient. Delegates were also appointed to the convention to meet at Richmond, April 17th. Rev. N. C. Brackett, Superintendent of the Freedmen's Schools, and Phillip Roselle (colored,) were chosen delegates to said convention.