Staunton Vindicator

It is indeed a sad thing for Virginians to realize that the State of Virginia -- the "Old Dominion" -- the "Mother of States and of Statesmen," has no longer an independent existence, but that her Government and laws [unclear] merely at the will of a military commander, and all for attempting to maintain the rights for which she and her sister colonies contended in the Revolution, and which were seized from the reluctant hands of the mother country by the result of war.--It is a sad realization that her sovereignty is overthrown -- her laws set aside, and, at the mercy of a single individual, she is to exercise only such meagre political privileges as may be vouchsafed [unclear] her, until a dominant radical majority shall choose to allow her again to enjoy those privileges which Virginia, in no slight degree, aided to secure to every State in the Union, and all this by the voice of many of her sister in that memorable struggle, aided by the voice of her recreant children, who, having arrived at maturity and about to launch forth on the sea of political life, found, owning to the watchful care of their mother, Virginia, their sovereign independence guaranteed.

We repeat, this is a sad realization for Virginians, and, although the cloud which lowers about us is dark indeed, we console ourselves that it has somewhat of a silver tinge. We might have had a tyrannical upstart placed in command of our State, who would have made our position more unpleasant than was even contemplated by those who planned and advocated the military scheme of re-construction. As it is, we should rejoice that no such tyrannical military commander has been placed over us. Judging from the tone of the General Order of Gen. Schofield, in assuming command of this district, which we publish elsewhere, he feels that he is performing a disagreeable though obligatory duty. He expresses a desire to exercise the military power only so far as is necessary to accomplish the object for which it was conferred, and appeals to the people and civil officers of Virginia to aid in rendering the necessity for the exercise of military power as slight as possible. This is praiseworthy in a military commander, whose will within his district is almost supreme, and who might make our burdens intolerable.

We call the attention of our people to the tenor and tone of the above mentioned order, not that we believe any such appeal was needed, for our people are and have ever been a law loving and law abiding people, but that, however distasteful the Military Re-construction bill -- however disagreeable the knowledge that Virginia's existence is thus ignored, they may, with us, enjoy even the little, pleasure it affords to know, since a military governor is decreed and appointed, that we have one who, at least, feels for the people over whom he is called to rule, and will, as far as he can, endeavor to lighten the burdens of military government.

At the suggestion of many of our readers we re-publish the following, showing what persons are effected by the provisions of the Constitutional Amendment and the Sherman bill in regard to exclusion from office and from the ballot box. The following persons are excluded:

1st. All persons who before the war, were members of Congress, or officers of the United States, and afterwards engaged in the rebellion.

2nd. All persons who, prior to the war, were executive, legislative or judicial officers of the State, and took the like oath, and engaged in the rebellion.

This embraces Governors, members of the Legislature, and judicial officers from a Judge of the Supreme Court down to a Justice of the Peace, who, at any time held the office and took the oath and afterwards engaged in the rebellion.

Who, then, are not excluded? 1st. No one is excluded because he held an office under the Confederate States from President down, if he does not fall within one of the excluded classes above specified. The simple fact that he was a Confederate Senator or Confederate General, or that he took a an oath to support the Constitution of the Confederate States, does not exclude him.

2nd. No State or County officer is excluded on account of his having held the office and taken the oath and engaged in the rebellion, if he were not an executive, legislative or judicial officer; therefore, neither a lawyer, sheriff, clerk, tax collector, receiver, county treasurer, coroner, surveyor, constable, or road commissioner is excluded.

As no man under twenty-one years of age, when the war began, held any such office as disqualified, and none of them took the oath to support the Constitution of the United States during the war, and as the war commenced nearly six years ago, no man under twenty-seven years of age can be excluded.

4th. Militia officers are not excluded.

5th. The whole mass of our people who fall within none of the excluded classes above mentioned are free from the disqualification, and may vote and hold any office in the State without regard to the part they took in the war.--Petersburg Express.

Columbia, S. C., March 18. --One of the most remarkable colored meetings ever held in South Carolina was held here to-day, the occasion being the celebration by the negroes of the passage of the bill enfranchising their race. By invitation, General Wade Hampton, Ex-United States Senators W. F. Desaussure and Edward Arthur, Hon. W. F. Talley, and James W. Gibbs, addressed the meeting; also the Rev. David Pickett and Beverly Nash, both colored. The sentiments expressed were honorable to both sides. The negroes were gratified with the spirit of political affiliation with which they have been met, and the citizens are equally pleased to find the colored men identified with the true interests of the State. Should a convention be held the latter will probably nominate and support the best men in the country, and as declared by Nash, will urge Congress to repeal the disfranchising clause, which deprives them of the services of those in whom they have the greatest confidence.