Staunton Vindicator

Several weeks since, we asserted our belief that the radicals would resort to every means to prevent the Representatives, lately elected in the Southern States, from taking their seats in the next Congress, whether they would subscribe to the test oath or not. Things seem to be drifting in that direction faster than we had presumed. It seems that, by a law of Congress, the Clerk of the House is required to enrol the names of all members who present credentials which exhibit the fact that they have been regularly elected.

There is not the shadow of a doubt that the lately chosen Representatives of the South have been regularly elected, and consequently, in all reason, it would seem that, upon showing their credentials, their names should be enrolled, which would leave the question of their ability or inability to take the test oath to be decided when they should come forward to take the required oaths, and when, it was supposed by many, those who could not take the test oath would be refused their seats. But there seems to be a short-hand process developing which will accomplish just what we asserted. The clerk of the House proposes not to enrol the names of any Southern Representative, if his credentials do show that he has been regularly elected, and even provided he is known to be able to take the test oath. The consequence is that the clerk of the House, with the show of not desiring to decide who is and who is not entitled to a seat, becomes the arbiter of the qualifications of the members of the House instead of the House itself, and by thus acting, conflicts directly with the policy of reconstruction which the President has so earnestly and determinedly pursued. By this ruling Messrs. Stuart and Conrad, who can not take the oath, on account of a manly sympathy entertained for their unfortunate fellow citizens and their cause, will be as likely to be admitted to their seats, as any of our Representatives who can take the prescribed oath.

This, we fear, is but one of the impediments to be thrown in the way of reconstruction. The right of suffrage to freedmen lately refused by Connecticut, or something else more humiliating, will next be required of the South, and so on, until, for the present, reconstruction will be impossible. While we desire to see the Union restored as soon as possible, yet we are compelled to agree with our contemporary of the "Macon Telegraph." He says:

"We can afford to take things coolly, as the United States needs us and our services; they wish for us to be prosperous that we may help pay the mighty load of debt incurred by the war; they need cheap cotton goods, which they cannot obtain till social order is restored in the South; the world needs and is languishing for our products, and will not obtain them till civil order, peace and quiet allow us to restore our disorganized labor-machinery; the North needs our trade, but until we can raise produce and make money we cannot trade; nor will our people feel like turning themselves to productive industry until all these disturbing influences in regard to the Union, and State governments are settled and settled satisfactorily to us.

So peg away, Messrs. Radicals, peg away! you are only gnawing at the vitals of the Union itself."

In the field of finance we confess ourself to be quite a novice, but somethings, as well as others, are learned from experience.

We, in the South, have passed through a very trying financial experience for the last four years, up to and including the present time.

We used Confederate Treasury notes, when they were par, and saw them gradually decrease in value until they became valueless. When the currency had fallen very much below par, we saw efforts made to bolster it up by reducing the circulation by a discount of 23 1/3 per cent and by compulsory funding. Many believed that the reduction of the amount in circulation would appreciate its value to the same extent, but an old farmer, with whom we took issues on this point, told us that step would be fatal, and that the currency would decrease, still more rapidly in value. He agreed that the loss of confidence in its ultimate value would more than counterbalance the reduction of the amount in circulation. We saw that old man's statement verified. The United States currency is below par at present. Secretary McCulloch fears it may prove worse and recommends the same fatal compulsory funding. This currency issue we have, or can have at present, and it is the interest of the Government, as well as the people, that its value should be appreciated. Tampering with it by legislating that it shall be reduced by compulsory funding will have a contrary effect, we fear, to that desired. We submit then that the present taxation, a reduction of the expenses of the Government to as great an extent as possible and no greater inflation of the circulation than at present, together with a gradual, as it must be, redemption of the Treasury notes in specie, which should be promptly set on foot, will be productive more good toward its appreciation than all the law for compulsory funding that could be framed.

We trust that, for the good of the country, that no legislation looking to a reduction of the currency by compulsory funding will be agitated, but rather that its gradual redemption in specie may be considered by the next Congress. Of course it will take time to redeem it, but by that means confidence will be established among the people, that it will ultimately be worth dollar for dollar as specie and confidence, we all know, has ever been the great supporter of paper currency.

Emigration--The Petersburg Express of yesterday says that on Wednesday night arrived in that city the first installment of emigrants from the old countries beyond the sea--hale, stalwart men, stout, blooming women, sturdy flaxen-headed urchins. They come directly from Cork, leaving behind the land of teeming population without lands, to work out their fortunes in this [unclear] of agricultural wealth.

The encouragement of emigration should be the great object now of the Virginia planter. For the present, at least, negro labor is unprofitable. The colored man works reluctantly, not having yet unlearned his carefully misconceived [unclear] concerning freedom, and the quickest solution of this problem of labor is to ignore the race until they have learned their necessities and responsibilities, engaging in their places willing workers, men of strong arms and anxious hearts, who only ask opportunity to display their energy. These Irish emigrants, coming from their hard-earned starvation, will gladly throw their whole hearts into work which clothes and houses and feeds their wives and children.

The harvest is here, the laborers are anxious to reap it, and it only remains for the lords of the vineyard to send out for the unwilling idlers.

We cordially welcome these pioneers to Petersburg, and promise our exertions to secure for them the consideration, legislation, and sympathy which will furnish their success in their adopted country.

A refreshing instance of the gratitude of a negro towards his former owner came under our observation yesterday. An old grey-headed veteran, of a ginger-bread color, came into our counting-room, and, addressing himself to one of the clerks, said he wished to subscribe to the Times for his old mistress. While the address was being taken down, we ventured to enquire in what capacity he was employed at home, when the faithful old fellow replied: "Massa, I'se living on old missus' lot. She is mity poor now, but used to be 'fore de confragration powerful rich. For ten years old missus took care of me, and now she's poor, I'm gwine to take care of her. I knows de proper way to act if I am a nigger, massa." Such an instance of the fidelity of an old negro, who had once been a slave, afforded so striking a contrast to the conduct of the majority of worthless characters of that color who, as soon as the evacuation, took themselves off without even doing so much as giving a day's notice to their employers, that we think it worthy of public consideration.--Richmond Times.

We give below the official vote of the 6th Congressional District.

Stuart's majority, 2,459.

Craig county gave 64 votes to Hoge and 9 votes scattering.

The total vote cast in this District for Bell, Douglas and Breckinridge was 17,632. The total number of votes polled at the recent election was 6,917. Difference 10,715.