Staunton Spectator

We have so frequently presented our views of what we believe to be the true policy of the South that they cannot be misunderstood. It is, in brief, to avoid giving unnecessary offence to the people of the North; to stand calmly though firmly by all our constitutional rights; to rely upon ourselves; to develop the rich resources of our section; to establish factories of all kinds; to buy as little abroad as possible; to live within ourselves, and encourage in every possible way every branch of industry in the Southern States; to labor and not to idle; to hope and not to despond. In an able article, the Richmond Enquirer has so well expressed our views that we publish a lengthy extract from it lieu of expressing them more elaborately ourselves. It says that "our first aim should be to undermine that organized hostility of superior numbers, which, while it exists, will render alike vain, all appeals to reason to covenanted faith. To preach to passion is to preach to boreas-and never were a people so wholly under the influence of passion as is the dominant party of the North to-day. We must therefore avoid as far as possible all direct collisions with Northern sentiment. We must refuse to accept sectional issues. The effort will be to draw us into these, for then our ruin is assured. We must beware such stratagems. We must avoid giving the evil-disposed material wherewith to irritate the Northern mind;--there is nothing which those who most hate us at the North so desiringly look for and so eagerly publish, as taunts and sarcasms uttered here. It is hard indeed to endure in silence the volleys of vituperation so ceaselessly poured upon us; but we must learn the virtue of endurance. It is no mark of cowardice in a soldier-it is rather the highest test of his courage and discipline-to receive in silence a fire which he may not effectually return. It is hard to bear insults and arrogances such as the coarsest and most brutal slaveholder would have been ashamed to utter the meanest slave; but the disgrace is not ours.

While refusing to scold and quarrel, and to give an overpowering multitude excuse for passion,--we must carefully watch and maintain all our existing constitutional defences, and make them as available as possible. We must test in the courts how far this is indeed a government of constitution and laws; whether the obedience demanded of us does not imply protection; whether taxation does not imply representation; whether the duties of States do not imply rights of States.

Not only must we disarm passion by moderation, and restrain aggression within the narrowest practicable bounds, but we must seek to avert hostile discriminations by removing the opportunities for them. So long as our social composition differs from that of the North, we shall be dogged by fanatics and harassed by hostile legislation. To obviate this we must diffuse the negroes. It will be fatal to keep them all here. Send as many as possible North. Scatter them over the whole country, and they will no longer disturb its politics. Concentrated here, we shall never have peace.

Again: We must conform our industry to that of the North. So long as we produce cotton and New England spins it all, the cotton grower will be taxed for the benefit of the cotton-spinner. So long as we plant and the North manufactures, the planter will be taxed for the manufacturer. We must remove the opportunities for discrimination. We must grow no more cotton than we can spin. We must provide our own boots and shoes and cloths, and mechanical implements, as well as our meat and bread.

It will not avail us to inquire in what way our industry, if unmolested, would be most profitable. It will not be unmolested. It is not our natural interest, not political economy, but political exigency that we have to study.-We must conform our lines to those that confront us. We must present no salient points of attack. We must invite no adverse discriminations by prominent peculiarities. Better fish for cod and share the bounty, than grow cotton under heavy tax for Northern spinners. We must spin too. We must manufacture ourselves. Thus we shall share in legislative "protection," and escape legislative discrimination. It will indeed be worse for the country to have its production thus uniform instead of diversified,--articificial instead of natural; but it will be better for us. If not the best that nature intended for us, it will be the best that man permits to us."

The chief complaint on the part of the Radicals against the South is, says the Richmond Whig , that we will not, as they allege, do the negroes justice. From this, as a starting point, they launch out into many charges against us, and, by mingling much of falsehood with some little of truth, they have made out such a case against us as to alarm the whole North for the safety of the negroes. This is just what the Radical leaders wanted to do. They don't care a straw for the negroes-their aim is to preserve to the North the ascendancy which the war gave it; to retain power in their own hands long enough to remodel the Constitution in the interests of the North; to reconstruct the Supreme Court in the same manner, and to launch the new Government-for new it will be-under the auspices of a President of their own choice. Some great predominant sentiment and sympathy had to be enlisted to give success to their scheme, and they found this powerful ally in the morbid humanitarianism of the Northern masses. The argument was, the negro is oppressed; he must have relief and the power of self-protection; indemnity for the past and security for the future. The object of the Radical leaders is one thing, the object of the Northern masses another thing. But both being jealous of and inimical to the Southern people, and being thus turned into common channels of thought and sympathy, have become identified in sentiment and purpose.

While all this is going on at the North there is uninterrupted harmony at the South between the whites and blacks. Both classes know perfectly well that the basis of the proposed legislation of Congress in regard to the South is a false basis. If the Southern whites are wise the will conform as cheerfully as may be to the new relations that exist between them and the blacks. While nature-the instinct of both races-interposes an insuperable bar to social equality, there is no obstacle to the most friendly relations. Let Congress fix the political status of the freedman as it may, their position will ever be that of laborers. The land of the South belongs and ever will belong to the whites; and to the proprietors of the soil the bulk of the freedmen must look for employment. There, of course, will be exceptional cases.-Some colored people of superior intelligence and thrift will become land owners. The more intelligent and industrious the whole class, the better it will be for both races. We should do all we can to help them on to the highest development of which they are capable. The more we voluntarily do to assist and improve them, the more profit we will reap from their labor, and the stronger will be our hold upon their confidence and affection in the political changes which Federal legislation contemplates. If we play our cards skillfully the Radicals will, perhaps, one day awake to the unpleasing consciousness that in making the freedmen suffragans they have only added to Southern representation and Southern power.

As this is the period when most employers are renewing their engagements with laborers, we reproduce the act of the General Assembly bearing upon the subject:

1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That no contract between a white person and a colored person, for the labor of service of the latter for a longer period than two months, shall be binding on such colored person unless the contract be in writing, signed by such white person, or his agent, and by such colored person, and duly acknowledged before a justice or notary public, or clerk of the county or corporation court, or overseer of the poor, or two, or more credible witnesses, in the county or corporation in which the white person may reside, or in which the labor or service is to be performed. And it shall be the duty of the justice, notary, clerk or overseer of the poor, or the witnesses, to read and explain the contract to the colored person, before taking his acknowledgement thereof, and to state that this has been done in the certificate of the acknowledgement of the contract.

2. If any person shall entice away, from the service of another, any laborer employed by him under a contract, as provided by this act, knowing of the existence of such contract, or shall knowingly employ a laborer bound to service to another under such contract, he shall forfeit to the party aggrieved not less than ten nor more than twenty dollars for every such offence; to be recovered by warrant before any justice of the peace.

Died, at his residence near Staunton, on the 21st day of December 1866, after a long and useful life, JEFFERSON KINNEY, aged 61 years, 8 months, and 17 days, leaving a disconsolate wife, and numerous descendants to mourn their great loss.

The subject of this notice was no ordinary man, and few in this community, where he was born and died, have rendered to it such important, faithful, and long continued services; modest, retiring and unobtrusive, he never claimed promotion as a right, yet such was his fidelity, his ability, and zeal in the performance of all duties devolved upon him, that, from an earl period of his life, he was placed by his fellow-citizens in the most responsible and arduous positions, where he was always acquitted himself with credit. From about the year 1820, he was engaged as a deputy clerk in the County Court of Augusta, where he performed the heavy and responsible duties of that office in so satisfactory a manner, that in June, 1831, he was appointed by the Justices, Clerk of that Court, and held the office under their appointment until the new Constitution of Virginia went into operation, when, in 1852, he was again elected by the people, and held the office till the 1st of July, 1858. During his tenure, the onerous and important duties of the Clerkship were preformed in the most exemplary and able manner.

In the meantime, being then a resident of Staunton, the people of that town called him five times to the office of their Mayor, in which capacity he served them faithfully during the years 1839, 1842, 1848, 1849 and 1850.

For many years he was a director in the Va. Central Railroad Company, and also a director in the Valley Bank at Staunton. He was a man of great public spirit, and whenever the question was to promote the interests of his beloved State or county, he was always found a zealous and efficient co-operator.

Mr. Kinney's friendships were warm, unwavering and true; his companionship genial, intelligent and very pleasant; his principles patriotic, honest and unbending.

His private and social virtues were as pure and spotless as his public career was upright and worthy of emulation. For some years past the state of his health had been feeble and declining, and his friends had watched with anxious solicitude the approach of that sad result which has now deprived them of his presence among them. At last it came suddenly, and without a struggle or a groan he died as peacefully as a weary child who would go to rest.

His remains were committed to the silent tomb on Sunday, the 23rd of December, followed by a large concourse of sympathizing friends and neighbors.

May he rest in peace, and in that better country to which he has gone may he reap the rich reward of his well spent life.

The negro is our labor. If the fanatics will only cease their baleful interference, capital and labor in the South will regulate its relations, as in every other country. The former master feels an interest in his former slave and dependent-the recent slave cannot but help looking up to his former owner, who for many years past treated him in the great majority of cases with kindness, and furnished him with all that most men labor for, his food and his clothes. The negroes, if left to themselves, have no unkind feelings to the whites, and by mutual dependency, the most friendly relations could be established on a permanent footing, and their sentiments would soon be in unison and sympathy with our own.

It is this that the Radicals fear. They do not wish any union between the whites and blacks of the South. It is their aim to sow discord between the two races and keep them apart-One would naturally infer from their course and their speeches, that were a negro insurrection to spring up in the Southern States they would not only rejoice, but if in their power aid it. In Virginia no such out-break could ever occur; in the first place, because of the superior intelligence of our negroes; and in the second, from their inferiority to the whites in numbers; but along the coast of North Carolina, in South Carolina and Southern Georgia, if the Radicals and their emissaries are permitted to carry out their plans they must eventually bring about a conflict of races.

We are well aware that the great mass of the rank and file of the Republican party at the North would shrink with horror if they could look into futurity and see the natural result of the acts and teachings of their leaders, and that they apprehend no such fruit; but we tell them it will come as certainly as the sun will rise tomorrow if the Radical plans are carried out, and further more, that their leaders are anxious to bring it about.-Rich. Times.