Staunton Spectator

Executive Department,
Richmond, Va., Sept. 7, 1863.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Delegates:

In this crisis I have deemed it advisable to convene you in extraordinary session, in order that the freshly chosen representatives of the people may consult and devise such measures as will be calculated to meet the existing emergency in public affairs. The war has now been in progress for more than two years and a half, and has been prosecuted against us with a ferocity unparalleled in all past struggles between contending parties. It has been conducted upon the avowed principle of subjugating us, either by force of arms or by visiting upon our people the horrors of famine. Hence it is, that foiled and defeated again and again upon the field of battle, they have adopted the policy of desolating our farms, destroying our crops, burning our dwellings, stealing and carrying away our property, leaving our wives and children to perish by the slow tortures of starvation. It is no longer a war for the preservation of the old Union, as it was originally proclaimed to be, but it has degenerated into a war for the emancipation of our slaves; and this purpose the Administration at Washington propose to accomplish, even if the extermination of the white race, of all ages, sexes and conditions, of the Southern Confederacy shall be the result. We have no alternative therefore, but to defend ourselves with all the power, energy and ability we can command. We must succeed, if we would be a free and independent people, worthy of the illustrious ancestry from which we descended. To succeed we must have union, harmony, concert, conciliation, courage, energy and determined resolution on the part of rulers and people. We must cultivate one towards another the noble virtues of prudence, toleration, charity and forbearance.

With these general remarks, I proceed to the consideration of such subjects are of special interest at this time, and in my judgment demand legislative action.

The subject first in importance, so far as the Commonwealth is concerned, is the best means of providing an adequate force for the local defence of the State against invasion or raids, and for the execution of the laws in case a resort to force shall at any time become necessary. The entire military force of the State has been absorbed by the conscription law, and we are thus left, in a time of greatest peril, with no militia organization for the defence of the Commonwealth. This want can be and must be supplied with as little delay as practicable.

As to the plan of raising this force, I am aware there is much diversity of opinion. The difference, however, is reconcilable, if the subject is considered and discussed in a patriotic spirit.

Let a force to consist of all able-bodied persons between the ages of sixteen and sixty, not in the Confederate service, be organized, corresponding with the force now organized in the cities of Richmond, Petersburg and Lynchburg. Let them be regularly enroled [sic], formed into companies, battalions and regiments, and officered in such manner as will be most likely to secure efficient, intelligent and energetic men. They should be drilled at proper intervals, so as to be well instructed in the evolutions and the manuel [sic], and prepared for efficient service whenever the necessity shall arise. The act should also define what is local defence, as there is much contrariety of opinion in regard to it. Some think that local defence consists in remaining at home, and under no circumstances to be taken out of the city or county in which the company is organized. This, in my view, is a most mistaken notion of the meaning of the term "local defence" and if it is to prevail, will work great mischief, and render the organization of little value in giving protection to our people. My opinion is, that if the city of Richmond can be defended more certainly fifty miles from it than immediately around, or in it, that locality is the proper place for its defence, and the local militia should be required to make the defence there. The officer charged with the defence of any particular locality is presumed to be better acquainted with the mode of defending it, and the best point for defending it successfully, and he should direct all troops so as best to secure the end desired.

The object of such organization should be, to give adequate protection to all parts of the Commonwealth. We must not only provide for the defence of the counties, cities and towns, by the local forces in and immediately around them, but we must, under the law which is proposed to be passed, have authority to order other contiguous counties to their aid and support. A force, whose operations are to be confined by county, city or town boundaries, can prove of but little value in checking raids, or in executing and enforcing obedience to the laws.

This organization should be mad to embrace the foreign population who are located amongst us. This foreign population may be said to consist of three classes: First, those who have been regularly naturalized, and who are therefore citizens embraced by our laws relating to the public defence; second, those who are domiciliated amongst us, and have been living in our midst and prosecuting various branches of business, and who left their native land with no purpose or intention of returning to it; and lastly, those who are temporarily sojourning amongst us. The first class are in service under the militia laws, and the second class should be required to go into service for public defence of the soil on which they reside. The latter class, who are sojourners, engaged in no regular business, should be exempt. I recommend, therefore, that in your legislation upon this subject, the second class above referred to, shall be clearly and distinctly embraced.

On this subject I desire to present another recommendation, in regard to the act passed by your predecessors on the 20th day of November, 1862, authorizing persons of certain religious denominations in the State to exempt themselves from military service in the war, by the payment of five hundred dollars each. Subsequently Congress passed an act of like character; and these persons availed themselves of it, and wee discharged from liability to all military service in the Confederate army. I regard this provision as substantially a violation of the Constitution, inasmuch as it grants exemptions to certain classes of persons, which are not granted to others.

In this war, all classes who reside amongst us should be required to perform duty of some sort, if they are within the military age. If they are unwilling to bear arms, there are various other duties connected with the army and the general defence which they can perform, and which they should be required to perform. They are citizens, property holders to a large extent, interested therefore in all that concerns other citizens, and should be required to perform their part. In some countries this class of persons are required to aid in the construction of fortifications, and I see no just reason why they should not required to do so here. This branch of service must be maintained by somebody; and if their religious convictions will not allow them to go into the ranks for the defence and maintainance [sic] of the common cause, why cannot they do this?

It will not do to say that they are opposed to war, and can do nothing that will tend to its prosecution. The law is based upon the principle that they are bound to do something--otherwise they would not be taxed the sum of $500 each. That money goes into the treasury, and is drawn therefrom to defray the expenses of the war--and to this extent at least, they are aiding and supporting it. If they can aid to the extent of five hundred dollars in money, can they not aid by labor or other service?

A state of war imposes a personal obligation upon every citizen within the military age, and he should be required to discharge it. When the country is invaded, our dwellings burned, our lands laid waste, our property destroyed or carried away, our citizens imprisoned, it is their duty to step forward promptly and aid in repelling the invader. Ministers and members of other religious denominations, equally as conscientious, are in the field. I recommend, therefore, that this law be repealed.

Besides these provisions, stringent regulations should be adopted to prevent desertion or straggling from service without leave. It ought to be made the duty of the local militia to arrest any officer or soldier found aboard from his corps without a furlough, and cause him to be forthwith returned to his position or delivered to the nearest provost marshal. The officers in command in any city or county through which such persons might be passing or sojourning, might be invested with like authority, and be clothed with power to detail a sufficient number of men to make the arrest effective, and to compel the parties in default to render the service to which they are liable. It might also with propriety be made the duty of company officers, at regular intervals, to report all persons who have not been exempted and who are liable to conscription, that our armies may be kept full and efficient, and at all times be prepared to meet and repel the enemy. Any act you may pass should provide for the speedy and certain punishment of all who fail or refuse to obey lawful orders, and prescribe some mode for the removal of incompetent or unfaithful officers. The experience of the last two years renders legislation upon this subject necessary.

* * * Virginia went into this contest after the most serious and calm consideration--with a firm resolve to do her whole duty to herself and her Confederate sisters--to take all the consequences, however horrible they might be. Her people never quailed--nor have they murmured under the repeated wrongs and aggressions they have suffered. She was not the first to enter this struggle, nor will she be the first to die for peace--unless that peace be accompanied by an unqualified recognition of the independence of the Southern Confederacy.

The General Assembly, at its last session, prescribed that no Confederate issues of a date anterior to April 6th, 1863, should be received in payment of State taxes. I am unable to comprehend either the State taxes. I am unable to comprehend either the wisdom or policy of this legislation. It is calculated to impair confidence in the currency of the Confederate Government, and indeed is almost the only currency in circulation in the greater portion of the State.

When the government casts suspicious upon its currency, and the State governments and the banks and railroad companies do the same thing, the people may well become alarmed. The consequences cannot fail to be most disastrous. We cannot change the action of Congress, but we can remedy the errors of our own legislation, and thus show that we are disposed to uphold the credit and currency of the Confederacy.

On the 29th day of August last a requisition was made upon me by the Secretary of War for 5,340 slaves, to work upon the fortifications around Richmond. Copies of the papers are herewith submitted to your consideration; and I particularly invite your attention to the draft made upon the several counties. The apportionment upon the counties seems to be entirely arbitrary, and bears very unequally. In some cases five per cent of the slaves is called for, and in other cases less than one per cent. Thus, Amelia, with upwards of 7,000 slaves assessed with taxes in 1862 is required to furnish 50, while Alleghany with less than 700, is required to furnish 30. The county of Albemarle, with 12,631, is called upon for 200, while Brunswick, with 9,212, is called upon for 250. The county of Augusta, with 4,800, is called upon for 80, while the county of Rockingham, with 2,164, is called upon for 100. Hanover, with 8,621, is called upon for 30, while Prince Edward, with 6,998, is called upon for 150. These examples will suffice to show how unequally this burden is distributed; and I trust that some amendment will be made to the law, which will afford protection against such inequality.

The law requires that "the value of such slaves as may escape from the Confederate authorities and not return to their owners, or be seized or be killed by the public enemy, or may, by want of due diligence on the part of the authorities of the Confederate States, in any manner be lost to the owners, shall be paid by the Confederate States to the owners of such slaves; and in like manner compensation shall be paid for any injury to slaves arising from the want of due diligence on the part of the authorities of the Confederate States." Many cases of peculiar hardship, arising from the loss of slaves, have been brought to my attention, and much complaint has been made by the owners, in consequence of the fact that they have not received the value as provided for in this act. In several cases the only slave capable of field labor that the owner possessed has been lost, and compensation not having been made, he has been unable to supply his place. If the value had been promptly paid, the hardship in such cases would have been greatly relieved. I invoke your early attention to this subject, of so much importance to our common constituents.

Since the commencement of this war, Virginia has been called upon to mourn over the loss of many of her gallant sons; but of all her jewels, the most brilliant was the illustrious Lieutenant General Thomas J. Jackson--a graduate of West Point--highly distinguished in the Mexican war, and at the opening of the present war a quiet unpretending professor in our State Military Institute. He was called from the professor's chair to the field; and his sagacity, his energy and the unparalleled success which crowned his efforts, won for him a reputation that made him the pride of his own State--endeared him to the people of the Confederacy--attracted to him the attention of the nations of the earth, and compelled the respect and admiration even of those heartless enemies who have drenched our land in blood, and brought wailing and lamentation to the firesides of thousands of their own misguided people! For decision of character--for stern and unbending resolution--for pure and elevated patriotism--for sound and inflexible integrity, and for prompt and energetic action, he was surpassed by no man of his times. The record of his achievements will constitute some of the brightest pages in the history of the war, when that history shall have been written. His reputation as a military leader of the highest ability and merit, has been fairly and firmly established in the judgment of the army and the country, and his name will be honored and his fame will be cherished.

"While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls a wave."

The extortioner is still pursuing his heartless traffic and amassing his gains. The war to him is a Godsend, and he would not have it terminated for any earthly consideration. He shares none of its hardships--he suffers none of its dangers. He has, perhaps, hired a substitute, who, for a pecuniary consideration, agreed to be shot at in his place. Such men are found every where throughout the Confederacy; and it is time something were done to put an end to their money making business.

I have been investigating this subject, in hope that I would be able to make some practical recommendation that would check, if it did not eradicate this evil. In the first volume of the Revised Code of 1819, page 551, I find an act which was passed in 1777, entitled "an act to prevent forestalling, regrating, engrossing and public vendues [sic];" which, with very slight amendments, would, if re-enacted, check in a great measure this growing evil. I invite your attention to it, and recommend that some similar act be passed at this session.

The finances of the State are in a highly prosperous condition--much more prosperous, indeed, than could have been anticipated, under the circumstances which surround us. The numerous demands made upon the revenue is increasing, and the people, with that noble spirit which has ever characterized Virginians, cheerfully pay their taxes, and thus maintain the credit and uphold the character of the commonwealth.

The news received from Charleston, since the issue of last week, has been alternately bad and good--in butcher's phrase, "with a streak of lean, and a streak of fat." On the 6th, the bombardment was kept up all day without intermission, and about 150 of our men were killed and wounded at batteries Wagner and Gregg. It is supposed that the loss of the enemy was very great.

The enemy having advanced their sappers up to the very moat of Wagner, and it being impossible to hold the island longer, Gen. Beauregard ordered the evacuation, which was executed between 8 P.M. and 1 A. M., with success. We spiced the guns of Wagner and Gregg, and withdrew noiselessly in forty barges. Only one barge, containing twelve men, was captured.

On the 7th, Admiral Dahlgreen demanded the surrender of fort Sumter, when Gen. Beauregard replied that he could have it when he should take and hold it, and that before that time such demands were puerile and unbecoming. At 6 o'clock P. M. the iron-clads and monitors approached Fort Sumter closer than usual and opened a hot fire against it. One batteries on Sullivan's Island, including Fort Moultrie, replied heavily.

After our forces evacuated battery Wagner, the enemy garrisoned it with a negro regiment--the 54th Massachusetts and the detested flag of that State now waves over that battery. On the 8th about noon the enemy fired the village of Moultrieville, on Sullivan's Island, in several places with incendiary shell.

On the night of the 8th, the enemy, about midnight, approached in about thirty barges with the view of capturing Fort Sumter by assault. Our forces were not taken by surprise, as the enemy expected, and at the proper time, Fort Moultrie and Battery Bee opened upon them, simultaneously with the infantry in Fort Sumter.

The Yankees succeeded in landing a portion of the force at the ruin, but after fifteen minutes contest, in which the Charleston Battalion fought chiefly with brick bats and hand grenades, were driven back, and retreated in disorder.

The following is Gen. Beauregard's official despatch.

CHARLESTON, Sept. 9, 1863.

To Gen. S. Cooper.--During last night thirty of the enemy's launches attacked Fort Sumtor [sic]. Preparations had been made for such an event. At a concerted signal all the batteries bearing on Sumter, assisted by one gunboat ram properly located, were thrown out. The garrison behaved with gallantry and coolness, Maj. Elliott commanding the post. The enemy was completely repulsed, leaving one hundred and fifteen prisoners, thirteen officers included, from 4 boats and colors. Nobody hurt on our side.
G. T. Beauregard,
Gen. Com'd'g.

The enemy brought with them the flag which waved over Sumter when Gen'l Beauregard caused Maj. Anderson to haul it down. They hoped to replace it upon the Fort, amid the extravagant rejoicings of the whole Yankee nation; but alas for them,

"The best laid schemes o' mice and men
Gang aft aglee"

and the flag was captured by our men, and will never rejoice the Yankees by waving over Fort Sumter. That cherished object has been defeated--that dear hope has been crushed in the bud, and deep is the mortification, and great is the disappointment of the whole Yankee nation. They will not relish codfish for several months.

On the 10th nothing of interest occurred.

On the 11th one of our shells from [illegible] Island exploded the enemy's magazine at Battery Gregg, causing great confusion there.