Franklin Repository

There is rarely anything comes under our observation which pleases us more than an example of pure, unmitigated, self-sacrificing, mulishness. Some persons call it firmness, some obstinacy, old ladies denominate it "contrariness." They all mean the same thing. When we find a person do something for no reason under the sun, save that he ought not to do it, when all the circumstances, and all his friends would advise and prompt him to do just the opposite it sort of pleases us, and we find ourselves saying that man has got grit in him. For our part we never could see any particular merit in doing what it is one's interest to do, or what every person approves, or what one's own sense of justice and right commends. Any person can do this. There is no sacrifice in it, no heroism, no martyrdom. But to go against all these, merely for the sake of being perverse, with the full knowledge that the common judgment of the community will write you down an ass, is such a rare example of that quality which human beings sometimes possess in common with that noble quadruped, the mule, that we give it our full meed of admiration.

If for example a journalist should express his preference for, and advocate a return to, the nomadic mode of life instead of the civilization of the present age, or should pronounce himself in favor of a white man's party in politics, and urge his readers to join him after the negroes have secured the right of suffrage, we should accept these as instances of the highest development of mulishness. The latter is just the case it was our good fortune to witness. Almost any person knows, who knows anything that such a policy would have about the smallest chance of any in the world to succeed, not to take into consideration its unmitigated iniquity if it could. There was a time when it seemed to have an equal chance to carry the day with the other policy of equal rights and justice. That was years ago, before the war of the rebellion. Since then the party which made it the essence of its creed, the Democratic party, met defeat whenever the two questions came in conflict, growing weaker with every defeat, until at last the whole matter was taken out of the sphere of politics by making all men, native born and naturalized, citizens by constitutional guaranty.

Not being strong enough to prevent this set of justice, after it was done and the party which secured it had been still further strengthened by means of it to the extent of nearly a million of votes, the Democratic part ceased all opposition, and accepted the changed condition of things as a matter of course. This was natural, and what every person had expected. But we were not to be cheated out of our spectacle of sublime mulishness. The Carlisle Volunteer, graduated we suppose for the Democracy of Cumberland county, finds in this circumstance of the Constitutional Amendment only an incentive to continue the conflict alone. More than ever is it determined that only white men shall rule. That it was weighed the question calmly and without prejudice one would infer from the opening sentence of its article, which says, "Whitemen must rule. This appears to be the motto of every white man worthy the name of an American citizen." This cool way of declaring the unworthiness of more than half of the American citizens might not be relished, nor even believed by them, but it is the kind of thing that always accompanies extreme mulishness.

But we prefer to let our readers judge the article themselves:

"White Men Must Rule."
This appears to be the motto of every white man worthy the name of an American citizen. Let it be emblazoned on our banners, and serve as a text for our speeches and our meetings. This negro mania that is now rampant in our land will soon die out. Like Known Nothingism in a couple of years there will none to do it reverence, and the very men who are now making speeches in favor of negro equality, will deny their colors and declaim against the infamous doctrines they pretend to defend. The WHITE MAN'S PARTY will triumph finally. Courage, Democrats! White men - men of honesty - true Americans will ere long be at the head of affairs in our once glorious but now disgraced country. In the language of that able defender of the people's rights, the Bellefonte Watchman, we say come one, come all who feel like keeping negroes from our places of public trust, and join the glorious WHITE MAN'S PARTY. Too long already have ye reposed in fancied security. Years ago this thing should have been strangled in its swaddling clothes, but ye dreamed a dream of peace, and now you are surrounded by your enemies, who wait, with ropes in their hands, to bind ye hand and foot. But it is not yet too late. The "Old Guard has never yet surrendered," and it will form the nucleus of a mighty army to break the ranks of the hordes that threaten us, and restore to the peo the pristine purity of their institutions.

With the white men of the country united, Radicalism, with its negroes and its deadly purposes, will be overthrown. Who will not aid in this mighty - this glorious work? Are not the people tired of the party and will they not aid us people tired of the party and will they not aid us to stay the impending ruin? Shall negroes be Senators and Representatives and Judges and Jurymen? Shall white men be hauled up before negro magistrates, and the laws of the land be crippled and enfeebled by the silly interpolations of negro legislators? White men, for the sake of your children, for the honor of the past and by your hopes of the future, we charge you to crush this evil now.

There is hope for the country, and joy for the people in the binding together of white men for the good of white men - nay, for the good of ALL Let us not allow the negroes to hold the balance of power as the Radicals fondly hope they will, and all may yet be well. For the sake of the country and our race, break the bonds of party fealty and cling to the rock that offers us safety from the storm.

Three cheers, then, for the White Man's Party! Let this be the slogan with which the people will hereafter march to victory, and at the sound of which the enemies of the country and their negro allies will flee in great affright.

When the millennium comes what will become of the preachers, Sunday-schools, Societies for the Conversion of the Heathen, Tract distributors, and the rest? Surely they will be as unfortunate as the anti-slavery reformers, who are now like Charles Lamb when he was pensioned by the East India House, and are lost for want of occupation. A few years ago the most that the anti-slavery men could hope for was the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. Now, as if by miracle, they see more than their dreams realized - the slave not only free, but a citizen; the slaveholder driven from the Government he controlled; a negro Senator in the seat of Jefferson Davis. It seems as if so much has been done that nothing is left to do.

It is impossible for those who have but a recent part in the anti-slavery contest to understand the feelings of such men and women as Wendell Phillips, Garrison, Frederick Douglas, and Lucretia Mott. Few reformers who undertake such a gigantic work live to see it half completed, but they planted the seed in tears and reap the harvest in glory. They have seen an idea despised and rejected by the American people grow into the sternest of facts, with the whole world to hail it. We might expect Mr. Phillips to feel like Alexander, when he lamented there were no more worlds to conquer. Mr. Garrison seemed to have something of this feeling when after emancipation he desired the anti-slavery societies to dissolve, thinking their work completed.

But you cannot limit the reforms of a born reformer. Many of the abolitionists are still young, and could not, if they would, give up their habit of trying to benefit the world. They would hardly change the direction of their efforts. The colored race has freedom and citizenship, it is true, but it has not yet equality. Except in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and other centres of intelligence and wealth, the colored people are, as a race, inferior in education and influence to the whites. Their influence in the seventeen States must be great; they knew enough to be loyal during the war, but there are other conditions of intelligent citizenship than patriotism. On the other hand, though the ballot is given them by the Constitution, it is not certain that they will peaceably be allowed to use it. There is still enough of negro-hating in the North to make election riots probable this fall, and enough passion and cunning in the South to justify us in believing that the negroes will either be persecuted or swindled. To watch and guard the future of the race they have been instrumental in liberating is certainly the appointed work of the antislavery leaders and one of vast importance to the Republic. It is not probable that they will suffer from want of occupation, for the field is open before them. The day of tearing down is ended, and now we must all begin to build up. Democrats and Republicans are equally concerned in the labor; for, as the negro has a vote, even those who think it was unwisely given are interested in having it intelligently used. - N. Y. Standard

On Tuesday, the 3rd inst, a number of the officers of this favorite regiment of Franklin county, held their first re-union in the parlors of the National Hotel, in the place. This particular day was selected on account of it being the anniversary of the battle of Chancellorsville, in which the regiment participated and lost heavily.

The meeting was organized by electing Col. Elder President and Lieut G. W. Welsh Secretary. Adj't Stewart stated that the object of the meeting was to make preparations for a grand re-union of the entire regiment, in this place, on the 13th of December next.

Adj't. Stewart, Lieut. Col. Rowe and Lieut. Platt were appointed a committee to draft constitution and by-laws, which they were to report at the meeting in December.

Private Mahon, Sergt. Seiders, Lieuts. Cook, Fletcher and Platt, were appointed a committee to make arrangements for the celebration in December.

The business having been transacted, those present and their guests repaired to the dining rooms, where their host and hostess of the National had prepared an elegant banquet, which was exceedingly enjoyed by those who partook of it. Letters of regret were read from those who were unable to accept the invitation to be present. Toasts appropriate to the occasion were offered and replied to. The company dispersed at a late hour in the afternoon, feeling well satisfied with their first re-union.