Franklin Repository

WE clip the following from one of our exchanges, which we give for the benefit of the "fair sex," showing the material used to make a fashionable "waterfall." Here it is:

A WATERFALL.

Take four ponds of rags and a bunch of shavings,
An old tin pan, and a bunch of straw;
Then steal an old hat of somebody's leavings,
And swear it's your own to get clear of the law;
Next get an old stocking and stuff it with paper,
And if it is possible, put in a mole;
Then get some old china, and a nutmeg grater;
And make them all up in a nice little roll;
Put all these things in a net of red,
And glistening beads must cover them all;
Then fasten it on the back of your head,
And you will have--a waterfall.

Moses Anderson, who speaks of himself a "an humble citizen of prescribed race," sends us "An address to Leagues and other Associations auxiliary to the Pennsylvania State Equal Rights League, and to the colored people of the State of Pennsylvania, signed by William Nesbit, President of Pennsylvania State Equal Rights League, and he asks us to give place to his address, or at least to a synopsis of it. He anticipates that "the day is not far distant when the colored man will enjoy all the rights that belong to American citizens," and deems it important that the race is prepared for their coming privileges. The aforementioned League is said to be a thorough organization of the colored people, looking to this end.

The address opens by announcing that it is fitting and proper that the persons to whom it is directed should take note of their progress, and counsel together as to their condition and prospects; and, it congratulates them that they have more to encourage them now, than they had in all the long years since their race has inhabited this continent. The true principles of the government, as enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, are asserted to be for the first time understood and practiced, and the policy everywhere recognized that it is not safe to trample on human rights. Their brethren in the rebel States, being invested with their God-given rights, it is assumed that they will be a judicious use of their power reflect back power upon the colored residents of the North. The lively hope is expressed that the National Congress will secure their rights, or that the Supreme Court will decide against discriminations on account of race or color. But if no shorter or juster course be possible, the question of enfranchisement will be before the people at the general election in 1869. It is therefore proposed to secure the tribunal of the people in their favor. To effect this purpose, the address counsels a combination of effort.

The objects of the League are "to unite the entire colored people of our State into one common brotherhood, for the promotion of morality, education, temperance, frugality, industry and the encouragement of everything that pertains to a well ordered and dignified life, and to obtain by appeals to the minds and consciences of the American people, or by legal process, a recognition of the rights of the colored people of the United States," and to arouse these people to labor until they have arrived at the full stature of enfranchised manhood. The address denies that they are, under all circumstances, especially lax in morals, intelligence or understanding. Outraged and oppressed as they have been, it is a wonder that they have preserved even a show of regard for law and order. It points proudly to the fact that they have kept pace with the spirit of the age in the amenities and refinements of civilization, and that they present an unbroken front of loyalty to the government.

Each one can do something to raise their standard still higher; and by uniting their energies in a common cause will reap the reward that comes to a just cause guided by intelligent combination of efforts. If they suffer themselves to be distracted and divided, they will show themselves a race of idiots, of whom their friends now, and their children hereafter, will be ashamed. They have already realized the blessings of union. They did all possible to influence Congress in the direction it has taken, have poured in petitions; sent their agents to Washington; have personally solicited the champions of their cause, and know their organization is approved. The victory most satisfactory and practical which they have achieved, is in removing the discrimination against them in public conveyances. The address claims that the committee of the League, Messrs. Foster, Catto and Bowser, prepared, word for word, as it now stands on the statute books, the act passed by the legislature of Pennsylvania forbidding discrimination against passengers by railroad and railway corporations, and then ably assisted in securing its passage and approval. It appeals to the colored people to rise above their surroundings, and, by their own merits, close defamation and detraction. They must not depend solely on the philanthropist or statesman. They must plead their own cause. As they are now American citizens, they must cultivate such virtues as will not shame that honored title. Education is their surest passport to respectability, and industry and frugality will silence their enemies. Their plain duties are organization, education, industry and frugality. The League is the only organization universally adapted to their needs, and the colored person who opposes it is false to his interests. The next annual meeting sits at Reading, Pa., on the second Wednesday of August. The address closes with a glowing appeal to the colored men of Pennsylvania to unite, organize, do their full duty, and rely upon God, who has brought them through the wilderness of slavery, almost within view of the promised land of equality before the law.

We have condensed the address, nearly in its own words. It is written skilfully, earnestly, and forcibly. All good citizens, of whatever race or party, will rejoice at any effective efforts to promote the personal welfare of the race; and intelligence, sobriety, frugality and industry are powers that will elevate any people, however degraded by oppression and wrong. The colored people have now inducements to progress, morally and intellectually, before them, and it is wonderful how they are pressing forward in self-improvement. We bid them God speed in their "longings, strivings, yearnings," and we have enough faith in "God and Nature" to believe that they will be "lifted up and strengthened."

THE INDIAN TROUBLES.--The intelligence from Montana indicates that the people of that Territory are making extensive preparations for a general Indian war, which they evince a determination to push to the point of extermination. Acting Governor Meagher is reported to have issued a proclamation calling for six hundred mounted men for immediate service, which was being eagerly responded to, several companies having been organized in a few hours. Indian outrages upon the white settlers in the Gallatin Valley seem to be the provocation for this movement. The Indians are also said to be threatening the destruction of Virginia City and Helena.

Reports from Fort Kearney represent the Indian war fairly commenced on the Platte river, the savages burning ranches, stealing stock and murdering settlers daily. Gen. Smith is en route for Fort Kearney. Detachments of troops, encamped opposite Fort Sedgwick, were expected to leave the former post about the 1st of June. Gen. Custer is reported, with his cavalry, at Fort McPherson. The Indians appear to entertain no desire for peace, and can only be brought to terms by the bayonet.

Hon. Thaddeus Stevens has written the following letter in vindication of his proposed policy of confiscation.

LANCASTER, PA., May 28, 1867.

DEAR SIR: Short as your letter is, I fear I cannot answer it without violating an injunction of my medical adviser not to become excited. You live in a region which was two or three times invaded by the armies of Jefferson Davis. In the Counties of Bedford, Fulton, Franklin, Cumberland, Adams and York they visited almost every farmer and other inhabitant, and plundered them of their horses, cattle, provisions, wagons, and money, when found. Beside some detached cases, they laid in ashes one thriving village of 6,000 people, and turned the inhabitants houseless into the streets to seek shelter in fence corners. No provision has ever been made, or is now making, to reimburse the plundered citizens. By the law of nations a government makes no compensation for damages done by an invading army, unless such government be victorious, when it always provides by treaty for the payment by the vanquished enemy. A government which neglects to make such provision on behalf of its plundered citizens is basely negligent of its duty. A quasi peace exists between the late belligerents, the terms of which are dictated wholly by Congress, which is under the control of the Republican party. Nothing but the proceeds of the confiscation of a small portion of the property of the wealthy Rebels can be applied to pay the damages inflicted by the marauders, unless it be paid out by the Treasury of the United States. A few Republican meteors, always erratic in their course, are flitting through and exploding in the Republican atmosphere. They attract sufficient public attention to enable them to assure the amiable Rebels who inflicted this injury that they need fear no confiscation; that nobody of any note in the North is in favor of imposing such punishment for the sake of remuneration, or of justice. They assure them that nothing shall be taken from Aiken's estate of millions, from Hampton, Davis, Orr, Faulkner, or from a thousand others who are still worth their hundreds of thousands, to reimburse the loyal men, North and South, who were plundered of their estates, and to aid your post neighbors to rebuild their humble tenements. It is scarcely to be endured that Congress for two sessions should sit indifferent to these sufferers, and take no steps to enforce these rights. These remarks apply to large portions of Maryland, of West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, and Missouri, as well as to the Slave States. He who can patiently listen to that patent humanity which we now see propagated, has more command of himself than I have. Indeed it looks as if we are still to add to the burden of our taxation to defray the expenses of transportation, and the ovation of triumphant traitors. But I must stop, or I shall commit the fault against which I have been warned. With great respect, your obedient servant, Thaddeus Stevens.