Franklin Repository

At length the political struggle is over, and the verdict of the nation has been pronounced decisively against the policy and conduct of President Johnson. Congress has been sustained as no Congress within our recollection was ever before sustained. After the desertion of the chief of its choice, his betrayal of the patronage of the government into the hands of the enemy, and his open and unscrupulous canvass of the whole country against us, the Republican party stands this day as compact, firm and without break as ever did any party in the republic. It has separated itself from the public patronage within the control of the President without sustaining any loss of strength, and carries every Northern State solidly and triumphantly. We have held New Jersey with a grasp that defies the combined strength of the government patronage and the railway monopoly, and have elected a Legislature in which there is no longer one majority in either house, but a clear, unmistakeable majority of five in the Senate and six in the House, whereby we have secured a decided majority on joint ballot, and shall thus be able to elect a United States Senator to fill the vacancy created by the death of Mr. Wright. New Jersey now takes her place positively in the rank of Republican States, having elected to Congress four Republicans out of five members chosen.

In Delaware we have made a strong and active canvass, and although not successful in carrying the State, have reduced the Democratic majority so much as to leave little doubt that with another such a canvass we shall be able to redeem little Delaware from the hands of the enemy, if we have the aid of so able a chairman of the State Central Committee as Mr. S. M. Harrington, who managed the recent canvass. The whole of the other States, except Maryland, that voted on Tuesday, have gone Republican, and rebuked executive usurpation in unmistakable tones. President Johnson's appeal to the people has thus been answered, and unless all his professions of submission to the popular will be empty pretences, it is his duty now to bow to this decision, and make his policy and action accord with that of the people's representatives in Congress. He chose to ignore the present Congress as not fairly representing popular sentiment on the subject of reconstruction, and he pleaded his own cause on the stump so effectually for us, that a new Congress has been elected as overwhelmingly Republican as its predecessor.

We have by this victory defeated the plot he had concocted to set up a bogus Congress, by the aid of the unadmitted members from the ten rebellious States and the Northern and Border State Democrats and weak-kneed Republicans, and so the great republic has tided over another formidable danger. Through the whole remainder of his administration, President Johnson will be confronted by just such a Congress as the present one. Doubtless he will now, without entirely changing his policy, make such fair seeming professions as may in his estimation lead the Republicans to hope for his return to their lines. During the whole of last session he kept playing fast and loose on the subject of appointments and removals, and the moment that Congress adjourned he commenced to make a sweep, and has continued it ever since. We are, therefore, of opinion that it ought to make no difference to any Republican member of Congress what professions the President may now see proper to make.

The power lodged in the hands of Congress by the Constitution should be used freely to take from the President the power he has abused, and to establish some permanent system of appointments to office, based on competitive examinations, by appointing officers selected by some one else than Andrew Johnson. The general sentiment of the country now is to the effect that the autocratic power of the national Executive is fraught with peril to our liberties and free institutions, and ought to be reduced. President Johnson himself has given a proof of it in his bold declarations on the stump that by means of the patronage at his command he could make himself dictator. If he really thinks so, he must be prepared to join the effort which the public now demands for the abolition of all offices that possibly can be dispensed with, and the removal of the great majority of the patronage from the absolute disposal of the one man power.

One fact is rendered painfully evident by the result of this election. Wherever slavery has existed down to the period of the war, there the people seem to cling even to the remnants of all the old prejudices and castes and institutions, and there they make the sternest and most determined resistance to everything in the way of liberal progress. Weak as slavery was in Delaware and Maryland, it seems to be still, even after its death, possessed of the power to control the political action of both States. It is manifest that the entire south must undergo some general purgation before we shall see the last of her intense sectionalism, or be done with the troubles she gives us in politics.

If the people of that unhappy section can see the philosophy of this election, they will recognize that the north is as perfect a unit now on the subject of reconstruction as it was on the subject of the war. The south evidently fancied that, having the Democratic party and the national Administration on its side, it could easily manage to obtain enough Northern aid to thrust aside the Republicans. But these influences have not had strength enough to carry a single Northern State, nor to break the two-thirds majority of the Republicans in Congress. By this time the South ought to learn how weak and helpless a thing the Democratic party of the North is, and how it must inevitably drag down all who join their fortunes with it.

The great lesson, however, of this struggle is that the Republican party exists from necessity, and is in no degree under the control of those who are regarded as its leaders. Treachery cannot destroy it, nor official influence crush it out. So far from proving retrograde, its course is onward continually, and its strength and power increase instead of diminishing. It has survived the loss of the national Administration and the defection of its chosen chief, and is stronger and greater out of office than it ever was in. Its enduring vitality is in its principles and its unyielding devotion to republican liberty. President Johnson has run a muck at it, and by this time he must be satisfied that he has very greatly underrated and misunderstood it. But being by nature too obstinate to give way, the President must now be made to feel how circumscribed his power for mischief is made by the terms of that Constitution to which he has so often appealed. The people look confidently to Congress to meet boldly and firmly the defiance that has been hurled at that body, and to exercise the legitimate powers conferred upon it by the Constitution.
North American.

THE INEQUALITY OF RACES.--The Hon. Schuyler Colfax, in a recent speech at Detroit, said:--"I never believed in negro equality. I believe God made us for his own wise purpose a superior race. We have proved ourselves by our inventions in science, history and philosophy, to be superior. I do not believe in Indian equality. I do not believe in Chinese equality, nor in Malay equality. God made us the superior race, and with it the greater responsibilities. But God forgive me, if while I think so, I would endeavor to grind down lower this oppressed race. Our principle is liberty to all. We all shall meet at the same judgement bar. But I think I can say without impiety, I wish He had made all these races white, for He had done so, there would not be a Democrat to-day."

MRS. PARTINGTON ON FASHION.--"There is one thing sure," said Mrs. Partington: "the females of the present generation are a heap more independent than they used to be. Why I saw a gal go by to-day that I know belongs to the historical class of society, with her dress all tucked up on her knee, her hair all buzzled up like as if she hadn't had time to comb it for a week, and one of her grandmother's caps in an awful crumpled condition, on her head. Why, laws, honey, when I was a gal if any of the fellows come along when I had my clothes tucked up that way, and my head kivered with an old white rag, I would run for dear life, and hide out of sight. Well, well, the gals then were innocent, unconfiscated creatures; now they are what the French call 'blazes.'"

We have always regarded the proposed constitutional amendments as definite terms offered to the States lately in rebellion, the acceptance of which by them would insure them representation in Congress and full enjoyment of the rights and privileges which belong peculiarly to sovereign States. We are well aware of the fact, that many members of Congress voted for their passage in the belief that they would afterwards be rejected by the South, and that then an opportunity would be afforded to press upon the country another and different plan of reconstruction. These men were and still are radically and intensely hostile to the plan of re-adjustment embodied in these amendments, honestly believing that other guaranties than are therein contained are indispensable to the future peace and security of our institutions. But however this may be, we have never doubted that the faith of Congress and the nation was pledged to a full and free admission of these States, whenever they might honestly comply with these terms. The people so understood it and in an issue made between the Executive and Congress sustained the latter in a most positive and unequivocal manner.

Touching this subject, the popular decision as rendered in the late elections has a peculiar significance. It is not confined to any one particular point of difference between these two branches of power, but is comprehensive and covers every issue that was raised between them. The issue was first made as to whether reconstruction was necessary, and if necessary, whether there was any power in Congress to determine the manner of that reconstruction? By a popular majority never equalled in this country the people decided these questions affirmatively. The next issue was as to the terms proposed by Congress. The people passed upon these also and they received an endorsement equally as positive and unequivocal. The matter stands now as an agreement between the sections, signed and sealed by the one of the parties, and ready to be executed by the other. Its validity and binding force depends entirely upon the ratification of the remaining party. If that be refused or withheld the instrument is of no effect, and neither Congress nor the nation can be bound by its terms. It has all the essentials of a contract, and to be binding upon either it must be ratified by both. Should the South see proper to ratify it and do so in the manner required by law there can be no question that the faith of the nation would be pledged to yield the consideration that it offered. To refuse it would be to repudiate the obligations of a solemn contract proposed by itself and urged upon the acceptance of the States. Notwithstanding the hostility of many in Congress to the proposed amendments, and their earnest desire for a reconstruction that would essentially remodel and improve our national edifice, we have never doubted that the above considerations would compel them to observe faithfully the terms of the contract they themselves had signed.

So far the South has manifested no disposition to accept the terms offered. On the contrary she has evinced an unwillingness that we cannot hope to overcome within any reasonable period. Left to herself she would never have questioned the right of Congress to impose conditions nor murmured against the conditions themselves; but encouraged and deluded by false hopes held out to her by a faithless Executive she has assumed a defiant attitude, and demands as a right what she should sue for as a favor. In view of her probable refusal the question naturally suggests itself,--what then shall be done? Shall Congress accede to her demands and admit her without terms, or propose other and different terms for her acceptance? One or other must be done. The former is impossible, rendered so by the recent expression of the popular will, if by nothing else. The people have solemnly determined that the condition of the country is such that reconstruction is a necessity. Their decision cannot be disregarded and in the nature of things it is irreversible. Neither sullen indifference nor outspoken defiance on the part of the South can change it.

What then shall these terms be? We cannot afford to be less generous then than now, but we can afford to be more just. The amendments now proposed were designed to restore the Union with the least possible inconvenience to the people of the South and with the fewest possible restraints consistent with the peace and security of the Government. They were dictated by considerations of mercy as well as expediency. The next must be dictated by considerations of justice as well. If the South will not consent to the disfranchisement of her leading, active Rebels, men who conceived the design of overthrowing the Government and lent their best efforts to the accomplishment of their purpose, then the nation will require of her the complete disenthrallment of the millions of loyal black men scattered throughout her borders and their elevation to all the rights and privileges of citizenship. This will be rendering simple justice to men whose legality needs no guarantees and at the same time extending generous pardon to men who have made themselves liable to the severest penalties. The magnanimity and generosity of the nation will not be less, but rather greater, and the effect will be to raise all men up rather than drag any down. Universal amnesty for impartial suffrage--in these terms justice, generosity and expediency meet each other. If the South shall longer persist in her refusal to accept the terms offered, let us take advantage of her refusal, and rebuild the nation's walls on the sure foundation of equal rights.

We have received a communication from an intelligent and reliable Republican of Gettysburg, in reply to the article signed "Adams," questioning the validity of the Senatorial instructions in Adams. We omit the introduction, as it is not necessary to the proper understanding of the question. The writer says:

The resolution was offered declaring Gov. Curtin to be the choice of the Republicans of Adams for U. S. Senator. A motion was made to substitute the name of Thaddeus Stevens, which was lost, ayes 7, nays 37. The amendment being lost, the original resolution was adopted without opposition. The seven votes for Mr. Stevens were not anti-Curtin, but Mr. Stevens, by reason of his eminent abilities and great public services, has a strong hold on the affections of the people of Adams county, for many years the place of his residence, and some of the delegates, while warm friends of Gov. Curtin, thought that Mr. Stevens should be complimented with the vote of Adams. The majority of the delegates, while admiring Mr. Stevens abilities and services, thought that he would be more useful to the nation in his present position as the "Great Commoner" and leader of the popular branch of Congress. But for this desire to compliment Mr. Stevens, the vote for Gov. Curtin would have been unanimous. No other candidate could under any circumstances command even the show of support in Adams as against Gov. Curtin. We very much fear that "Adams" is not well booked up, or he would not have perverted the decided vote of our Convention into "two dozen ayes and one dozen nays." We have no doubt that our Senator will obey the wishes of the Republican voters of both counties in his district, by helping elevate our present worthy Chief Magistrate to the distinguished position to which the people of Pennsylvania are determined to elect him.
TRUTH.
GETTYSBURG, November 16, 1866.