Franklin Repository
The Doctor's Secrets
Now That It Is Over
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A friend, who is one of the most ardent of politicians, insists upon it that the American people devote themselves too much to politics; and that the frequency of our elections is disadvantageous to the general good, as keeping up constantly political excitement. He maintains that literature, science, art, and all callings even to the humblest, are discouraged by the absorption of the public mind into this whirlpool. The student and the artist, he alleges, are allured from their severe studies, by the renown more easily won on the hustings and the editorial chair; and that the temptations of official emoluments promise an easier road to affluence than the laborious pursuit of ordinary business. With great gravity and earnestness, he asserts that politics conduce to indolence, superficialness of character and attainments--giving us up to light reading and light thinking, and diverting our minds from weightier contemplations. Then he has a whirlwind of denunciations to launch upon the corruptions, the falsehoods, the abusiveness, the follies, the clap-trap, the pyrotechnics, the bon-fires, the humbuggery in general that he says characterizes electioneering campaigns. So that we, sometimes, feel as if he would retire to his counter, and leave the ballot-box to the care of the boys who want the offices.
There is much truth, but more error in our friend's philosophy. In a government of the people, the people must be interested in the choice of rulers, the development of correct principles and their maintenance; and this interest begets zeal, controversy, efforts to inform and persuade, and naturally all the appliances and machinery that we are so familiar with in seasons of electioneering. The masses become educated in the great duty of managing their government, grow familiarized with the institutions of the country and the details of their administration, learn the character and ability of their statesmen, and fit themselves for the discharge of functions which they themselves are so often called upon to assume. That many bright minds are diverted from the pursuit of the purer and more distinctive paths of literature, science and art, may be true; but the history of our own nation, and eminently that of Great Britain, happily supplies us with illustrious instances of statesmen who ranked as high in the republic of letters, as in the arts of diplomacy and the arena of the mere politician.
The excitement of political canvassing gives a direction to the enthusiasm of our people, that otherwise might burst out in reprehensible indulgences and pastimes; and, we find, in fact, our population less given to wild and brutal sports than any other population in the world. The objectionable features in our canvassing will pass away with the increasing enlightenment of the masses; and we reasonably hope for the day, when buffoonery, falsehood, and villainy will find no favor, but will give place to argument, honest attempts at conviction, and conscientious appeals to the sense of right dwelling in the bosom of all men. That this is not the case now-a-days, is owing to the nefarious tactics of our adversaries, whose record is so shameful and guilty, that they are driven to misrepresentation, shufflings, false pretences, and miserable appeals to prejudices and passions, to divert the public mind from their faithlessness, and to steal into power in disguise. Were they to come forth unveiled, their fellow-citizens would start indignant and hoot them into obscurity.
One of the surest means of elevating the character of our elections, is to bring the sober-minded, intelligent and most interested of our community into the opening movements of the campaign--into the primary meetings, into the conventions. To see to it that the men whom we select for our candidates and representatives are worthy, and honest, and honorable--that no mere office-seekers or pensioners on the public purse shall monopolize the public patronage, but that peculiar fitness in men shall commend them to the choice of their neighbors. It is gratifying to find that there is a growing tendency to this course among us; and it is with high pride that we can point to the many excellent gentlemen, whose names were presented by our party for the suffrage of the county and district. It should be our inviolable rule that no improper person shall be placed upon our ticket. And while we have reason to be proud of the men we nominated in this canvass, and the principles we advocated, it is with no less pride that we contemplate the honorable manner in which we conducted the contest. We met the issues involved boldly and frankly and faithfully. We presented the truth openly, and urged its acceptance decently. We did not descend into the sloughs of calumny and scandalize our opponents in remote districts, when we felt safe in their absence. We did not stimulate the jealousies, and envies, and unbecoming prejudices, and awaken the animosities that are found slumbering in too many hearts. We did not go forth with an armamentary of falsehoods to blind and bewilder the voter, and mislead him into wrong; nor with a cornucopia of offices to tempt the avaricious, and with the promises of petty appointments to purchase the manhood and conscience of electors whom we meant to cheat. Nay, we did not go with the wicked suggestions that it would in other ways be to the interest of men to betray themselves and their party, and with money and produce offer to buy needy men as one would buy flesh in the open shambles.
We went before the people with the principles they had often times endorsed--with the cause they had given so much blood and treasure to sustain; with banners bearing their own chosen mottoes, and held up exultantly by their own gallant sons and brothers. We asked them to be faithful to themselves; we asked them to be faithful to the men who had been faithful to them and been faithful to their country; and again to set their seal of condemnation upon the party which had been faithless to the people and false to the country.
THE Spirit departs from the truth when it says that we "made a most malicious and wanton attack on Mr. Matthew P. Welsh, the newly appointed Post Master." We did no such thing. We stated that he was the only Republican in Chambersburg who was willing to accept the Post office as his price for his principles, and we say so still. If there were others we would be glad to know their names. Democratic rumor, which embraced all in its sweep who could be even suspected of perfidy to their convictions, did not profess to have any other Republicans willing to accept it. We know, also, of half a score of Republicans to whom it was offered by the men who hawked Johnson's plunder from door to door to buy votes, and none but Mr. Welsh would entertain the proposition. He accepted the price and doubtless voted the Democratic ticket yesterday as the consideration.
Mr. Welsh had a perfect right to vote the Democratic ticket, in accordance with his own convictions; but when the office he has accepted was offered from man to man as the price for a vote, and he thus accepted it, he must bring upon himself the contempt of all upright men, and cannot hope to escape the signal reprobation of the Senate, which has an equal voice with the President in filling the place. He will of course be rejected, and as the election is now over, there will be a score of full-fledged Democrats clamorous for the place, and Mr. Welsh will be kicked out as unceremoniously by the Democrats as he will by the Senate. No men know this fact better than the publishers of the Spirit, and they will join the Democrats in their universal chuckle over Mr. Welsh when they find him rejected and the place open for a full blooded Democrat. We assure them in advance that they do not miscalculate in the matter of Mr. Welsh's rejection, and we assure Mr. Welsh also that we do not miscalculate as to a Democrat succeeding him. If he likes the market to which he has taken his wares, we certainly don't complain, and as the Democrats are certain of the oyster while Mr. Welsh gets the shell, they certainly need not complain. If in the end Mr. Welsh don't complain, everybody will be jolly!
Political Nominations
The New Orleans Massacre
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The New York Tribune publishes a full report of the military Commission appointed to investigate the New Orleans massacre, and the causes leading thereto. This Commission consisted of Maj. Gen. Joseph A. Moyer, Brig. Gen. S. M. Quincy, and Brig. Gen. Irwin Gregg. A full examination of all persons supposed capable of throwing light upon the matter was made, and after sifting all the testimony the Commissioners came unanimously to the conclusion that the Administration at Washington is responsible for the atrocity; that it was planned by the supporters of the President's Policy; that three-fourths of the police were ex-rebel leaders; that firemen were seen acting as and with the police, making arrests as special police, and lending the assistance of their iron wrenches in the congenial occupation of dispatching the wounded, that the alarm bell was rung as a signal for general attack; that the signal was not the regular fire-alarm; but was recognized throughout the city as indicating that the attack had commenced; and as a call to arms of all who might desire to participate therein. "Look out for work now," was the cry in the streets as the first strokes of the bell sounded. The assassins were organized militarily, and such expressions were heard as "There goes Hay's brigade;" "Damn you, you are fighting Hay's brigade;" "Is all Hay's brigade up?" "No; if it had been, not one of you would have escaped."
After detailing the scenes of the massacre the Commission go on to call attention to the "brutal treatment, and almost inhuman neglect of wounded and dead prisoners at the various stations, before they were, by military orders, removed to the military hospitals."
In conclusion several results are arrived at, as follows:
1. "The Board will state it as their firm conviction, that but for the declaration of martial law, and the presence of the troops, fire and bloodshed would have raged throughout the night in all negro quarters of the city, and that the lives and property of Unionists and Northern men would have been at the mercy of the mob. The Conservators of the peace being for the time, the instigators of violence, nothing would have remained but in arming for self defence, and a scene might have ensued unparalleled in the history of the age. As in the Gordon riots in London, and the more recent draft riots in New York, the affair would have passed beyond the power of the originators, into the hands of that class whose only object would have been plunder and destruction irrespective of party. In the Board's opinion, the property of the Southern merchant not less than the life of the negro and the Unionists, was that night under the protection of the Federal bayonet alone."
2. "The Board would state that, in their opinion, the whole drift and current of the evidence tends irresistibly to the conclusion that there was among the class of violence known to exist in this city and among the members of the ex-Confederate associations before alluded to, a pre-concerted plan and purpose of attack upon this Convention, provided any plausible pretext therefore could be found. Threats to members to "prepare their coffins," warnings to friends to keep clear of the vicinity, anonymous letters dissuading those whose purpose to be present was known, all these taken together, the Board regard as of a significance which can hardly be misinterpreted. Though not in evidence, it is within the personal knowledge of the Board that a mock obituary notice of the demise of the Convention on the 30th of July, was some weeks previous posted in this city."
3. "Whether, and to what degree, Mayor Monroe can be regarded as an accomplice in, or knowing to this purpose of attack, will, probably, by direct testimony, never appear. Whether any definite instructions were given to the police, the Board regard as immaterial. He knew their feelings towards this party of negro suffrage to be identical with the mob. Three-fourths of them were ex-Confederate soldiers, and at least one of three officers, appointed by himself, a notorious thug, assassin and former leader of the very men of blood who might be expected to be foremost in the attack. Had the police been sent to the hall in advance, with order to preserve the peace, they could have had no excuse for the attack on the Convention; on the contrary, they must have acted in its defence; and this was the advice of Gen. Herron. But if the police are kept away until an attack is made and fighting ensues, then precipitated in mass upon the scene, it is easy to foresee what will be their action in quelling the riot. The Convention and its supporters have been long held up as outlaws, revolutionists and conspirators against the law, and the police would have acted by the order of the Mayor, but for the interference of Gen. Baird. As it is a maxim that a man must be presumed to intend the legitimate consequences of his acts, the Board are reluctantly forced to the conclusion that, although the instance of Lieut. Gov. Voorhees and others were successful in causing the issuing of the Proclamation, yet that Mayor Monroe well knew that before the excited passions of the mob it would be as a barrier of straw to fire: that no troops had been asked for, and without the presence of police, violence was inevitable. When, therefore, he withdrew and massed his armed police, and on the breaking out of the riot, precipitated them upon the scene, the Board are compelled to conclude that he knew what their action would be, and that he intended the inevitable consequences of his own acts."
4. "The Board will call attention to the evidence which seems in many instances to indicate clearly the identity of parties guilty of murder. The impossibility of bringing such criminals to justice under the Civil Government as it now exists, would be, in their opinion, universally acknowledged by this community. Reliable evidence would seem to fix the identity of one of the murder of Captain Loup, the ex-United States Officer. The evidence against the notorious Lucien Adams, though direct, is that of negroes. In this connection, the Board would respectfully call attention to the small proportion of the negro testimony taken, and to the fact that all important points regarded as established, rest upon white testimony alone."
These results have been reached upon full and careful examination, by commissioners who cannot expect to gain anything from the President by their uprightness and candor, and who may be subjected to humiliations and losses in consequence.
In this connection, it should not escape attention that the President, in his speech at the St. Louis banquet, delivered on the 9th of September, entered into a labored defense of the massacre, casting all the blame upon the innocent victims. He distinctly charged that the Conventionists were revolutionary and criminal, and were inspired by the radical portion of Congress, and that hence, all measures of repression resorted to were allowable. This speech, to thoughtful men, furnished strong corroborative evidence of the complicity of the President in the stupendous crime enacted.
From New Orleans. An Important Statement. Rebel Secret Societies. The Rebellion To Be Renewed
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[Special Despatch to the New York Tribune.]
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4.--The following despatch has just been received from the Tribune Bureau, in New Orleans:
NEW ORLEANS, La., Thursday, Oct. 4, 1866.
Some important disclosures will soon be officially made public in reference to secret rebel societies, which permeate the entire South. These organizations have branch circles in New York city and the West. That in New York is said to number 50,000, principally composed of men who served in the rebel army. Each circle has a different name. Some are known as "The True Sons of the South," others as "The Knights of Arabia," and all are well armed with the most improved weapons, ready at a moment's notice, should a favorable opportunity arise, to renew the struggle for the lost cause. One of the chief members of this organization, now in prison, is said to have made important disclosures. Gen. Sheridan is concentrating troops in this city for important purposes, which will soon be made apparent.
Nine cases of whipping of negroes have been recently officially reported in the parish at Bienville. One old woman, seventy years of age, received 400 lashes.
The following explains itself:
NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 20th, 1866.--To His Excellency, Governor Trockmorton: I have just received from Col. Mason a report on the affair which occurred at Brenham, Texas, on the 7th inst., and have directed him to notify Brevet Major Smith that he must not permit himself nor any of his men to be arrested. I respectfully request of your Excellency to do all in your power to allay the excitement there, and I will do all in my power to satisfy the ends of justice in every case, but I doubt if much justice could be done in a community which compels our officers and soldiers to remain inside of the defence thrown around their camps. I will have an additional and thorough investigation of this affair, if possible, to ascertain if any soldiers were guilty of the affair, but Col. Mason is clearly of the impression that those designated for arrest are innocent.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
P. H. SHERIDAN,
Major General U. S. A.
Gov. Curtin's Speech
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"The following despatch has just been received from the Tribune Bureau, in New Orleans:"