Franklin Repository

Things wear rather a better aspect in Washington. A healthier tone prevails throughout the different branches of the government. Congress has been firm, and the people have given it unmistakeable evidence of earnest support. New Hampshire has defied the combined powers of an apostate Executive and a Democracy encouraged to desperation thereby, and a painful, uncertain calm has followed the storm of the veto and the Presidential speech of the 22d ult. The role of Cromwell and the long Parliament, which has been studied in the White House and rehearsed by every rebel in and out of Congress seems to be postponed without day, and even the Civil Rights bill is likely to receive the executive approval, notwithstanding the grave assurances in the recent veto that no legislation should be enacted affecting the rebel States, until their representatives participated in its enactment. We notice that since the terrible storm of the 22d ult., when the hearts of secessionists and rebels were cheered by positive assurance of sympathy and co-operation on the part of the President, no speeches have been made, save a few unmeaning remarks in answer to proffers of support from the rebel corporation of Georgetown, the copperheads of Pennsylvania and other like wayward sisters in search of a resting place. A proposition to commit the President to the support of Clymer aroused his smothered vexation, and he dismissed them without an invitation, more positive than courteous, to go home and change their nomination, and the Democracy of Rhode Island so doubt the value of the Presidential elephant they supposed they had won, since the thunder of the people has reached them from New Hampshire, that they threw up their hand and retired from the field without even making nominations. The rebels of the South, in the mean time, have been flinging their insolent demands into the face of the President they deemed debauched to suit their purposes, until no man with a plausible pretence of loyalty can longer sustain them; and thus from every side the returning surges of the tempestuous flood of passion of the 22d ult., have come heavily laden with shame to their unfortunate author.

We do not from these significant facts renew, in any measure, our once unbounded faith in Andrew Johnson; but we are not without some hope that between the unflattering fidelity of Congress and the people, and the unblushing insolence of blood-stained traitors, some good may yet result from his administration. If so, none will be more hearty in awarding a just need of praise than this journal. The star of hope of the Republic to-day is in the now well tested integrity of the People. It is a fact established and patent as well to a President as to the most casual observer of events, that no measure of patronage, no degree of plausible and skilful treachery, can make them for a moment forget the high and holy duty they owe to the patriotic living and to the martyred dead of the Nation; and the President has done well to pause while he has yet an opening to retrace his steps to usefulness if not to confidence. If he shall approve the Civil Rights bill, a synopsis of which is given in to-day's paper, he will squarely recede from the most offensive position assumed in his recent veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill, and he will win the honor of calling upon himself the bitter denunciation of every rebel and sympathiser in the land. If he shall once attain that point of self-respect again, there may be some hope for Andrew Johnson, and while he cannot redeem the fame he so wantonly dimmed, he can still do much for a country that has done so much for him.

In this progress toward right, power has, we apprehend, done more than conviction. It was no ill gust of passion that made a President assume in a wild, incoherent speech, that he was all powerful in regulating the great losses now being agitated. His low personal assaults upon distinguished statesmen who had aided to elevate him to the highest position in the world, were harmless, save as they recoiled with terrible power upon the author; and in dignity and silence the intended victims have seemed unconscious of them. But the foolish boast of power that pervaded the speech of the President, called into action the true, lawful power of the government. With becoming dignity, and with a consciousness of supreme power in the premises, the popular branch of Congress answered back the threats of Executive usurpations, by a solemn declaration that no State lately in rebellion should be admitted to representation until Congress had, by law, pronounced it entitled to full fellowship. This shivered the slashing lance of Andrew Johnson. There were no back-sliders on the vote. As firm as adamant stood the Union phalanx. He could proclaim Tennessee and other States in the Union a thousand times; but a faithful Congress could abide by its constitutional functions and Tennessee would still be out. The son-in-law of the President, Judge Patterson, who has been a rebel Judge and taken the rebel oath of allegiance, would still be denied a seat in the Senate, to which he has been elected by the Tennessee legislature; and thus the idle, impassioned words of the intended usurper, passed for naught. Power--real, legitimate power, confronted the policy of a bewildered Executive, and there has been a calm in the White House that gives some promise of fidelity in the government.

We have hitherto judged Andrew Johnson by his acts, censuring regretfully and praising gladly, and we shall do so still. We would not mislead faithful men by any assurance that he will yet do well, but it is evident that his predetermined apostasy has not been grateful to him in its fruits. Whether he will now attempt to redeem himself by seeking the confidence of the Union men of the country, or whether he will renew his once rapid strides to the deeper depths of infamy, is a problem that he alone can solve. He has now learned that he cannot take with him in his apostasy the people who have redeemed the Republic by their sacrifices, and the bitter lesson has been brought home to him also, that his name identified with the cause of the Democracy but insures their decisive defeat. He is therefore without a party, a political wanderer, with none to do him reverence but the traitor who basks in his clemency; and but for the destiny of a great Nation committed measurably to his keeping, he would be more pitied than hated. As the light breaks dimly over the dark cloud of his perfidy, let us wait for its noon-tide effulgence or its starless gloom.

ORPHAN'S COURT AND ADJOURNED COMMON PLEAS.--On Tuesday and Wednesday of last week, Judge King and his associates held the regular March Orphans' Court, and an adjourned session of the Common Pleas. Nothing of a special public interest transpired in the Orphans' Court, but some interesting stated cases were disposed of in the Common Pleas, affecting the votes of deserters at elections and the Township Bounty Laws as they are commonly called. The first case was that of Henry Reilly vs. Benjamin Huber. Mr. Huber was judge of the election for the township of Hamilton and refused the vote of the plaintiff, on the ground that he was disfranchised by the law of Congress, being a deserter from the draft. The court entered judgment for the plaintiff for one dollar and costs.

The other case was William Zumbro vs. Guilford township. The plaintiff in this case was drafted under the last call for troops, reported and was mustered into the service. The Directors of Guilford township shortly afterwards passed a resolution agreeing to levy a tax sufficiently large to give each drafted man who either put in a substitute or went into the service himself three hundred and fifty dollars. The tax was never laid. The plaintiff claims to recover under the acts of Assembly of this Commonwealth, and under the action of the board of School Directors. Judgement was entered for the plaintiff for three hundred and fifty dollars to bear interest from date of judgement and costs. Another case stated of interest was disposed of, wherein the administrators of John Sleichter, dec'd, sought to recover the value of gold and silver coin upon a note given by Elizabeth and Samuel Lehman. The note was dated the 16th day of March, A. D. 1859, and was for nine hundred dollars, of which three hundred dollars were payable in Chambersburg Bank bills, three hundred dollars in gold and three hundred dollars in silver coin. It was stipulated that if the Court was of opinion that the plaintiffs were not entitled to recover, judgement should be entered for $636,30, which was done. All these cases will be likely to go to the Supreme Court, and our readers shall be informed of the decisions of that learned body.