Franklin Repository

There is a studious and earnest effort on the part of the opposition to the Union party, to make the Union platform to suit themselves. They are particularly desirous that we should adopt as a cardinal principle of our creed that universal suffrage must be made the policy in all the States lately in rebellion, and, the wish being father to the thought, they insist that such is the purpose of the Union party in the exercise of its power. This intense desire of the opposition to make the Union platform embrace the idea of universal negro suffrage, was manifested in every speech made in the State Senate last week by the Democratic leaders, on the question of instructing our Senators on the bill enfranchising the negroes in the District of Columbia. Notwithstanding the fact that the resolutions of Senator Landon did not adopt the principle of enforcing the enfranchisement of the negro in the rebel States, and that no Union Senator advocated the unconditional enfranchisement of that race, the Democratic leaders discussed the proposition solely with reference to the policy of universal suffrage--just the issue that was not before the Senate either directly or indirectly.

The question of regulating suffrage is, by the consent of all parties, committed to the States. True, there are individual exceptions to the rule; but no party organization exists in this country that proposes to enfranchise the blacks in any State by the action of the general government. Mr. Sumner would do so if he could give success to the measure; but the Union party of the House has distinctly defined its position on the question by the adoption of a proposed amendment to the constitution, and it is understood that the Senate will endorse the action of the House at an early day. By this amendment, if adopted, the question of suffrage is clearly left to the States--the States lately in rebellion as well as the loyal States; but it provides with obvious justice, "that whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color, all persons of such race or color shall be excluded from the basis of representation." If the Union men of Congress meant to enforce negro enfranchisement by the power of the general government, they would not have united on an amendment in express terms allowing States to limit or deny suffrage to any class, and to enlarge or diminish their representation by their action on the subject.

The proposition to confer the right of suffrage upon the negroes in the District of Columbia is a very different issue from that of enforcing their enfranchisement in the States. Congress is the sole legislative power of the District of Columbia. It can enfranchise or disfranchise as may be deemed best for the interests of the people, and there can be no question as to the constitutionality of the power exercised. The power of Congress there is just equal with the power of the people in the several States, acting through their properly constituted authorities. It is, therefore, solely a question of municipal regulation, and the right of suffrage does not go beyond the mere local or municipal government. The people of the district do not vote for legislators, Congressmen or President, and the voice of the enfranchised negro cannot be heard beyond the regulation of his own property and security. The whites of the District had been, and still are, confessedly disloyal. They had rendered more aid to the rebel cause than any State in rebellion. A large proportion of their men went into the rebel army, and their families, with many of the more cowardly men, remained behind to aid by treachery the cause of the foes of the Republic. These adventurers have returned to the fellowship and sympathy of the people of the capital, and but recently one of the rebel heroes was elected to an important municipal office in Georgetown. The negroes number some thousands of citizens, who are taxed for the support of schools and local government, but enjoy but few advantages. They have many schools and churches of their own, sustained by their own contributions, and the conviction is irresistible that their enfranchisement would infuse at least a shade of loyalty in the government of the capital of the Nation. Congress has therefore justly decided to make them voters, and we hope that the Senate will concur in this measure.

Regarding the question as one of purely local or municipal character, we think that Senator Hall was right in denying the propriety of legislative instructions on the subject. As well might the legislature instruct as to any other local or police regulations of the District of Columbia, when the question of suffrage was not a national one. Pennsylvania does not confer suffrage upon negroes, and the question is precluded from the list of vital issues at this time by the provisions of our constitution forbidding amendments oftener than once in five years. The issue is not, therefore, a national one, nor is it a State issue, and being but a municipal question, effecting only the local government of the District of Columbia, the legislature wisely, we think, dismissed the subject. We believe that no Union Senator questioned either the expediency or the justice of the action of Congress; but it would be equally competent for the Pennsylvania legislature to instruct Virginia or Massachusetts as to their local policy as to instruct on municipal questions in the District.

We do not regret the discussion of the question in the Senate of Pennsylvania. It was an able debate, and must produce wholesome results. No man could hear the impressive and eloquent speeches of Landon, Bigham, Brown, Hall and others, without feeling that the loyalty of this entire government must and will be ensured at any and every hazard. The South will have the option to obey or disobey; to be faithful or faithless; and if they shall repay the magnanimity of the government by persistent efforts to destroy by perfidy what they failed to destroy by the sword, they will be hurled from power and the loyal men, without regard to caste or color, will win rebellious States to the loyal ranks again. Differ as statesmen may in their theories as to the status of the rebellious States, they all agree that they have no rights which will protect treason, and the extension of suffrage to the emancipated negro in the District of Columbia is an admonition that where treason rules in treason, there is a remedy, and it will be applied until Justice and Freedom shall be fully vindicated.

To the Editors of the Franklin Repository:

I have looked in vain for frequent articles on this subject in our county papers, and feel disappointed in seeing so little reference made to it. I hope it is not indicative of a feeling of indifference on the part of the community to a matter that addresses itself to every class with so much force.

The only objection which I have yet heard against giving liberally towards the location of a Normal School in our midst, is, that it is designed merely to educate teachers for common schools, and hence would not be of any advantage to us in the way of educational facilities generally.

Now if this were so, surely the Normal School should be hailed by every one most heartily even on this score alone. Will it not, even in a financial point of view, be a desirable movement, to bring from 500 to 800 pupils, with Professors and Teachers into our midst, who will spend thousands of dollars in our stores, workshops, &c.?* Every merchant, every hotel keeper, every mechanic and artisan, and every farmer, will be benefitted, directly and indirectly, by the location of the institution among us. But it is not correct, that a Normal School is and must be exclusively only for those who wish to be trained as teachers. There is no reason why such a school should not be an institution of a very high order in all the branches of a liberal and thorough education--both male and female. And if our community shall offer sufficient inducements in the way of subscriptions to secure its location here, I incline to the belief, as I do most heartily hope and desire, that it will be one that will do honor to the cause of education generally, and reflect creditably upon the district and the county in which it shall be located. If its Trustees will select the proper man as its head--a man of enlarged mind, liberal views and established reputation--we may be well assured, that the institution will be established upon such a basis, that it will comment itself to the patronage, not only of persons seeking a training as teachers, but others who desire to prepare themselves for professional or business pursuits.

I am aware, that in the Teacher's Seminaries in Europe--at least those in Prussia and the German States generally--only those are admitted who have the office of teaching as their profession in view; and it must be admitted, that they make thorough work of it, both as regards the theory and the practice of teaching. But we are not yet quite prepared for that. We shall do well if we keep at some little distance from their standard. But we should certainly aim at something higher than we have hitherto had. A year or two of teaching to many of those who are to be the future teachers of our children, will be of vast benefit. But along with this, we can make such institutions tell beneficially upon all classes of youth in the community, and thus bring the benefits of a classical, or at least higher than ordinary school education within the reach of very many.

Will we, then, not have the Normal School located in our midst? Shall others reap the benefits of it rather than we--we, who need it, just now, more than any of our neighbors, having suffered the loss of our beautiful Academy and the best part of our town? Ought we not have it, both as an educational and financial interest?

If it were not that just the very class of citizens in our town, who would be foremost in such an enterprise, have to a great extent been crippled in their means, I am sure that our town alone would furnish from $15,000 to $20,000 for this object. Still, they will do what they can. I hear of one generous-hearted citizen--perhaps there are more--offering to give one thousand, and others five hundred dollars. Have we not a score or two of well to do farmers, who will subscribe one hundred or five hundred? The interest of the latter sum would be thirty dollars. If he has a son to whom he wished to give a good education, would he not deem it worth thirty dollars to have that son at school near home? Or, if he will look at the material side of the subject, will not the thirty dollars, or at least a considerable portion of it, come back to him by a means of a better home market? But even if he did not realize one dollar of material profit, methinks the consciousness of aiding his posterity educationally, and aiding confessedly a good cause, should be a sufficient motive to every man, to help forward such a noble object.
S.

* The outlay in board alone of 500 students per annum. at the low sum of $80 for each, would amount to $40,000--and this sum would mainly be expended in our midst.

ACCIDENTAL DEATH OF ISAAC HUTTON.--On Tuesday of last week, Mr. Isaac Hutton, a well known and respectable citizen of this place, drove into the country with his wife, on a visit to Mr. Jacob Myers, near Marion. As he was about to return home, and while in the act of watering his horse, a one-year colt, which was running loose in the yard, approached him. He struck at the colt with his whip to frighten it away, when it kicked him in the abdomen so severely that he never rallied from the effects of the kick, but died early on Tuesday morning. Dr. W. J. Maxwell, from the neighborhood, and Dr. Senseny, of this place, were called in, but could render no relief to the unfortunate man. His only son, who lives at Bedford, was immediately telegraphed for, but did not arrive until after his death. His remains were brought to his late residence and interred in the cemetery of the German Reformed Church on Saturday afternoon. One of the unfortunate sufferers by the terrible fire which impoverished so many of our citizens, he had rebuilt his house, re-established his business, and by his well-known business capacity would have succeeded in retiring his heavy losses. But cut down while yet in the vigor of his days, by an unforeseen accident, he leaves a young widow and some small children burdened with financial responsibilities which the promise of a long life induced him to undertake. It is one of the most distressing consequences of our calamity, that sudden death often adds anxiety for the living to sorrow for the dead. A faithful husband, a kind father, a good neighbor, and an honest man, the whole community deplores his loss only less grievously than those related to him by the ties of kindred.