Franklin Repository
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Movements of Gen. Lee--He is still in Virginia in Force--Probable Offensive Movement Against Washington--Judge Woodward Schooled To Silence--Maj. Gen. Butler--The Contest In The State.
The Tenth Legion. Gov. Curtin in Lehigh Valley--Immense Union Meetings--Leading Democrats Supporting him--The Rumor of Lee Evacuating Virginia
The Southern Coast. Changes in the Departments of North Carolina and Virginia--Conscripts Captured--The "Spirit and Times" add Negro Enlistments, &c.
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Brief War Items
Important From New Orleans. Grand Movement Toward Texas in Three Columns. Gens. Herron, Washburne and Franklin on the March. Disaster At Sabine Pass. The Gunboat Clifton Demolished with all on Board
The War In Virginia. Reported Evacuation of Richmond. A Battle Expected
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A Settler's Exploit
The State Administration
Speech Of Hon. N. B. Browne
Can't Go Vallandigham
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Speech Of A Loyal Democrat
The State Debt
A Brave Man's Answer
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Value Of Government To The Poor
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In the impending struggle between the friends of the government, and the opposition in the North, there is nothing sadder than to see the intense bitterness manifested by the last named party. It seems to resemble most of all that concentrated malice which first planted its batteries against our honored flag at Fort Sumter, or still later, with fixed bayonet hurled itself in desperate but unavailing valor against the army of the nation at Gettysburg. One needs but to glance at their state and county organs to find them overflowing with bitterness. There is every degree of it, from that which gives coloring to nice little stories of the war, insidiously calculated for stirring up partisan blood, to open, furious tirade against every act of the administration. We are not surprised at this, for it has always been the distinguishing mark of a bad cause. Nor yet does the vigor with which they seek to compass their ends and the measure of success that accompanies it fill us with wonder. Zeal fired by malice often outruns truth in its onward steady march; and the devil owes no small amount of his success to his diligence. At the same time every right minded citizen looks with alarm at the results of such conduct. Already have their cunning appeals to party zeal and blind prejudice, their constant outcry about "oppressive taxation," the unconstitutionality of the draft and the "injustice of the conscription act to the poor" done too successfully their work. The poor have been excited against the rich, one laboring class against another, while riot and bloodshed such as would put to shame a heathen nation have followed as the legitimate consequences of such teaching. We have been pained to hear men in our own community, fresh from the reading of a tory paper, express themselves in this way: "We poor men have nothing to lose by this war yet we have done the fighting. We will now stand back until the rich shoulder arms." From the same source too, we have denunciations of the policy of the government in freeing the slaves on the ground that they will take the place and lower the character of northern laborers. Did we hope to find any honesty in a press thus unscrupulous in the artifices they use to accomplish their ends, we should ask them to pause and consider what means they have of allaying the spirit they are thus conjuring up to their aid, should they be successful. Do they not fear, that, like Banquo's ghost before the guilty king, it will remain to torment them? Gov. Seymour stands before a mob of his constituents, red with the blood of inoffensive blacks, wearied with plundering the houses of the rich, and hoarse with outcries against the law that calls men to their country's defence, and his piteous appeals to his "friends" are as impotent as the pleading of man to angry flames which devoured his dwelling and which he himself had kindled. Cannon and musketry must come in to uphold the majesty of violated law. But we turn from those who seek in party triumph only their own gain, to the poor man himself, and ask him to consider a few facts. No one in the least acquainted with the antecedents of the rebellion which now distracts our land, will venture to claim that it has any democratic tendencies. It doe not look down to the condition of the poor and weak and say, "it is for these that we have unsheathed the sword and thrown down the gage of battle." Among the many reasons gathered together to justify it, we have never yet seen the abject and disenfranchised condition of the poor whites in the South assigned as one. On the contrary this rebellion is notoriously a protest on the part of the South against the democratic tendencies of the North. The "Yankee idea of universal suffrage" and the dignity of labor are nowhere held in greater contempt than among the leaders of the slaveholders' rebellion; and were they to succeed, it would be the most fearful blow human liberty has received for many a long year. These facts are so well known that it seems almost commonplace to repeat them; but we ask him who has been led away by the delusion that he has no interest in this war, because he has no property, to ponder them a moment. The poor man is most vitally concerned at any time in the preservation of this government, but most especially when the attack against it comes from a party avowedly seeking its overthrow, that it may the more effectually enslave the laboring class. The war, then, that resists this, is emphatically the laboring man's war. It is the laboring man's flag, and the laboring man's government that are endangered; for nowhere else on the broad face of the earth, will he find his rights so secured, and himself so effectually guarded from oppression, as here in the free North. It is an utterly false conception that the excellency of government lies in the protection it gives to property, and that it is most valuable to him who possesses most wealth. Property is just as secure under the despotism of Austria as here; just as safe in aristocratic England as in republican America. In fact, an aristocracy is the rich man's government; it is made especially with regard to his wants. But we claim, as the distinguishing excellency of our government, the perfectness with which it secures the rights of all, high, low, rich and poor. While all those who love a common humanity are interested in its perpetuity, and the overthrow of this rebellion, the poor man is especially so. It matters little under what government the rich live; wealth, under any circumstance, must command influence and station. But it makes every difference to the poor man. When a proud aristocracy looks down upon him; when he no longer stands their peer at the ballot-box; when he finds certain avenues to honor and influence in society closed against him, then indeed has he lost most ruinously. To such a condition we have at times feared he would be betrayed; for should the principles advocated by southern secessionists be successful, either by force of arms, or through the arts of their "constitutional friends" in the North, we do not see how he can escape it. No class among us have been more prodigal in their efforts to sustain our government than those who live and labor in the humbler walks of life. While the rich have given their wealth, they have poured out their blood. All honor to them! But we would charge them to beware, lest deceived by a delusion, they lose the fruits of their great sacrifice. A party of men calling themselves democratic ask for their support. Democracy, the friend of slavery, the sworn ally of a proud aristocracy, proclaiming that the true theory of society is "capital should own labor!" The term in this case is a misnomer, and used only to deceive. We ask the laboring man then to reflect. We appeal to his reason, not his prejudices, and ask him to consider, whether in the ranks of those who are notorious for their sympathy with this rebellion, and avowed opposition to the war, who at this day are reckoned by the South as their best allies, and who, to gratify their lordly masters, are ready to re-fasten the fetters upon a thousand slaves, whether among these, or the ardent friends of the government and the democratic doctrines of "liberty and equality," will he find his truest and best friends?
The President's Proclamation
Testimony To The Point
State Fair
Political
Union Meeting
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In Memoriam
Death Of An Old Patriarch
Our Citizen Prisoners
Caution
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Departure Of Drafted Men &c.
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Wounded
Promoted
The Mercersburg Journal
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Army Of The Cumberland. A Great Battle in Georgia. A Desperate Struggle. Repulse Of The Rebels. The Enemy Reinforced. Temporary Reverse. Our Position Regained. Gen. Lee said to be in Command of the Rebels
Latest From Rosecrans' Army. He is Defeated in Georgia! A Retreat On Chattanooga!
Latest From Charleston
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Headquarters Of Provost Marshall
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Calls attention to a reprinted article from the Telegraph, which notes Gov. Curtin's abilities to govern successfully the internal affairs of the state and support the war effort.