Franklin Repository

It must be gratifying, says the New York Tribune, to the conservative to perceive that though divided and excited with regard to practical measures, the American People are heartily agreed to abstract, underlying principle of Equal Rights in the Federal Territories, organized or unorganized. Republicans, Douglas Democrats, Beckinridge Democrats, alike affirm and insist on this principle as the true solution of our great controversy--they differ only but widely as to the true exposition and application of that principle--as follows:

I. The Republicans affirm and maintain the natural, inalienable, equal right of every rational adult human being now or hereafter residing in the Territories to the full possession, disposition, and enjoyment of his own faculties, energies, and capabilities, with the full and fair product resulting from their employment. An individual may indeed forfeit this right by crime, or by insisting on the employment of his powers in some manner inconsistent with the public weal; but his right to use his own God-given powers for his own benefit and that of those dependent on and dear to him is natural, primary intrinsic, self-evident and only to be vitiated or suspended by some culpable and malevolent action on his part whereby the public weal is assailed or endangered. Such is the Republican conception of "Equal Rights" in the "Territories."

II. The Douglas Democratic idea is that of the Equal Right of Slavery with Free Labor in any and every Territory. This idea denies that Slavery is a natural or moral wrong--denies that Man has a natural moral right to the direction of his own energies, the products of his own industry, and maintains that the ownership of his own limbs and faculties by the laborer or by a master is a question of political economy and social expediency to be determined by considerations of climate, soil, products, &c. In a temperate mainly Graingrowing region, Douglasism intimates that Slavery will not usually be found profitable, therefore will not be established or not be maintained; while in a tropical or semi-tropical Cotton, Rice and sugar-growing district, enslaved negro labor will usually be found most profitable, if not indispensable; therefore will be prefered [sic]. But, in any and every case, the People--that is, the resident white male adults--must of right decide to have or not to have Slavery, and the votes of a majority of their number must determine the issue. If a Territory, when it comes to form a State Constitution, shall have five thousand male adults, of whom four thousand are negroes and but one thousand whites, and the whites along are to have a voice in determining the future condition of Labor in that community; and if five hundred and fifty of these vote to have Slavery to four hundred and fifty against it, the votes of these five hundred and fifty overbear those of the four hundred and fifty opposed, with the unexpected but notorious choice of the four thousand Blacks, making that a Slave State. And this according to Mr. Douglas, is "Popular Sovereignty."

So much is clear; but when we ask Mr. Douglas and his supporters, "What shall be the status of a Territory with regard to Slavery prior to such decision of the question by its people?" the answer elicited is vague or equivocal. At first the Douglas canvassers maintained with us that there can be no legal Slavery in any country or district until it has been established or authorized there by some positive law--hence that every man residing in a Territory must own himself until some valid law of that Territory or of Congress shall have constituted him the property of another. Under the view, it was stoutly and not unplausibly argued that the Kansas-Nebraska bill was an Anti-Slavery measure at least, not a Pro-Slavery one. But Mr. Douglas and his disciples have been gradually driven from this ground, and now say that the status of the negro in any Territory is a question to be settled by the Federal Courts ultimately by the United States Supreme Court. In other words, the mainly slaveholding Judges who made the Dred Scott Decision are to decide all questions respecting Slavery in the Territories. How they will decide this one, we need go no further than to the Dred Scott case to learn. Practically therefore, though indirectly and ambiguously, Mr. Douglas's platform cencedes [sic] the Territories en masse to Slavery.

III. Mr. Breckinridge's creed attains the same end by a far simpler and directer method. His doctrine affirms the Equal Rights of the States and their citizens in the Territories- -that is, the equal right of any and every slaveholder to migrate thither with his human chattels and demand of the Federal and local authorities to protect him in their use and enjoyment with that of any Northern citizen to remove thither with his horses, oxen, hogs, plows, and wagon, and demand protection in their use and enjoyment. Mr. Breckinridge wants no special law for the protection of property in slaves; but he demands protection for that property under the general laws for the protection of property in slaves; but he demands protection for that property under the general laws which secure to every man his own and, if the Territorial authorities should neglect or refuse to afford this, he looks to the Federal Government to supply the deficiency.

--Such, according to our understanding of the manifestoes of the rival parties and candidates, are their relative positions; and they seem to us to preclude the idea of coalition electoral tickets supported by any two of them. The Breckinridge and Douglas parties are as clearly if not as widely antagonist as the Douglas and Lincoln; and the triumph of either is the defeat of both the others. Ultimately, the Douglas position must be abandoned for that of one of the other parties as our "Softs" have receded from the position so stoutly maintained by them in 1848 to the present Douglas platform. Their leading organs--The Albany Atlas, for example--were just as positive then that they would never surrender their "corner-stone" platform as they now are that they will never take their next plunge into the abyss of Slavery Protection. Their present half way house, however will not outlast the pending struggle; and, long prior to 1864 we shall see them stoutly maintaining the doctrine how enunciated by Breckinridge as Simon Pure, unadulterated, anti-sectional Democracy.

In endeavoring to take the census for the government, the marshals occasionally meet with such difficulties as well nigh to deprive them of their own senses. The following took place in Canal street New Orleans:

"Who is the head of this family?"

"That depends on circumstances. If before 11 o'clock, its me husband--if after 11 its meself."

"How so?"

"Because after 11 he's as drunk as a piper, and unable to take care of himself, let alone the family."

"What is his age?"

"Coming nixt Mchalmas he will lack a day of being as old as Finnegan. You know Finnegan?"

"No I don't know Finnegan; and if I did it would not help matters. Is your husband an alien?"

"Och thin he ailin entirely. He has rheumaties worse than owld Donnelly, who was tied double wid 'em."

"How many male members have you in the family?"

"Nivir a one."

"What, no boys at all?"

"Boys is it? Ah murther, go home. We have boys enough to whip four loaves of bread for breakfast."

"When were you married?"

"The day Pat Doyle left Tippirary for Ameriky. Ah well I mind it. A sunshiner day niver gilded the sky of owld Ireland."

"What was the condition of your husband before marriage?"

"Divil a man more miserable. He said if I did not give him a promise within two weeks he'd blow his brains out with a crowbar."

"What was he at the time your of marriage, a widower or batchelor?"

"A which? A widower, did you say? Ah now go wid your nonsense. Isn't the likes of me that would take up a second hand husband? A poor divil all legs and consumption, like a sick turkey. A widower? May I nivir be blissed if I'd rather not live an owld maid, and bring up a family on butter milk and praties.

Here the dialogue ended, the marshall coming to the conclusion that he could "make more" next door. Whether he did we will know at some future time.

Said a young lady, who was fashionably educated at boarding schools, and indulged in idleness at home, so that there was neither strength or elasticity in her frame, "I used to be so feeble that I could not even lift a broom, and the least physical exertion would make me ill for a week. One sweeping day I went bravely to work, cleaning thoroughly the parlors, three chambers, the front stairs and hall, after which I lay down and rested until noon, when I arose and eat a heartier meal than for many a day. Since that time I have occupied some portion of every day in active domestic labor, and not only are all my friends congratulating me upon my improved appearance, but in my whole being--mind, body, and spirit--do I experience a wonderful vigor, to which I have hitherto been a stranger. Young ladies try my Catholicon."

Since the withdrawal of Mr. John M. Cooper from the editorship of the Valley Spirit, that paper has been under the management of the softest set of fledglings that ever undertook to conduct the editorial columns of a political or literary journal. It is amusing to see brother Ripper spread his wings over his brood of young bantlings--it is, perhaps, well to say that the old rooster takes the bantums in charge because their mothers do not know they are out--and, as each one attempts to crow, to see how he patronizes their every effort is certainly refreshing. He cocks his head approvingly to one side as each smart sound proceeds from the tender brood, and, catching upon the discordant notes, he runs around the political walk, with head erect, wings spread, eyes sparkling and gets the approbation of the knowing-ones--remarking the while "pretty good considering, ain't it, hey?" If these boys keep on crowing and strutting they will be able--after a great while--to creep out from under brother Ripper's wings and let the world see who they are. Their wisdom is now astonishing--themselves.

Carl Schurz, the great German Republican of the West, very happily condenses the platform of the Republican party as follows:

"To man--his birthright; to labor--freedom; to him that wants to labor--work and independence; to him that works--his dues."

This excellent institution for young ladies, situated in this place, under the management of the Rev. Henry Reeves, Principal, is one of the best conducted and, deservedly, popular schools in the country. The great care taken of the young ladies placed in this establishment, mentally, morally, and religeously [sic], gives it high character with parents and guardians having daughters and wards to educate. A girl is as safe in Rosedale Seminary as she could possibly be in all the time in the immediate presence of her own parents.

The exercises connected with the recent examination of the pupils were highly creditable to all who were interested in teaching the girls placed in the Seminary--the Rev. Mr. Reeves and his able, accomplished assistants. The character of the examination satisfied all present that the scholars fully understood the various branches they have studied--a very important consideration; for far too frequently examinations do not show the actual proficiancy [sic] of the pupils.

The spacious Hall was crowded on Wednesday evening by an intelligent, appreciating audience, who came together to witness the performances of the graduating class. The young ladies composing this class acquitted themselves so nobly that we are almost afraid to trust ourselves at noticing them. If we were to utter all we think, they would, if such things could effect them, become the vainest creatures in the world. They deserve all, and more than we can say for them:

However much praise we feel like bestowing upon the bevy of beauties who there took their leave of school-girl days and crossed the threshold of womanhood, there is much credit due to their Preceptors, the Rev. Mr. Reeves and his assistants, for the ceaseless toil, constant application and watchfulness necessary for the work, and which was freely given, to enable them to succeed in development the latent genius which was so gracefully exhibited to the admiring gaze of those who were so fortunate as to gain admission into the over-flowing audience chamber of Franklin Hall.

We give below the names of the young ladies who graduates where they reside and, and the subject of their several compositions--all of which were read in very sweet, winning voices by their fair authors:

SALUTARY, "Pearl Divers"--By Miss Mary E. Depue, of Belvidere, New Jersey.

"Mutation attends the Path of Life"--By Miss Emily B. Emmit, of Fayetteville, Pa.

"The Record of Memory Imperishable"--By Miss Mary E. Kell, of Chambersburg, Pa.

"Progress"--By Miss Mattie E. Walker, of Mercersburg, Pa.

VALEDICTORY, "The Rubicons in Life"--By Miss Eliza Tolbert, of Chambersburg, Pa.

The modest manner in which these pretty girls discharged the duty assigned them showed that, although their efforts were of a high order, they will never quit their own sphere to contest with the sterner sex their right to occupy positions in the pulpit or the forum-- women's rights will never carry these fair ones, however talented, or eloquent, into the arena of political discussions or theological disquisitions. They are all too sensible, their education has been too practical and useful, for that.

On Thursday evening the Hall was crowded with the elite of the town to listen to the closing exercises, the Musical Soiree. The programme for this evening's entertainment embraced the performance of some very excellent pieces of music; the audience pronounced the exhibition fully up to the bills--the highest praise the Music class (who, with their teacher, performed) could possibly expect. Entire satisfaction marked every face. All were delighted.

Chambersburg does, and justly, appreciate the efforts of Mr. Reeves in building up a first class female Seminary here. The school is well sustained by our citizens, and many from abroad are sending the young ladies in their charge to this excellent institution of learning.

The next Session will commence on Wednesday, the 12th of September, 1860. All who desire to have their daughters enjoy the benefits of this good school will do well to make application in time. The location is fronting upon Main street, but the building is distant therefrom some eighty yards, all of which intervening space is full of shade trees, flower-beds and pretty walks, affording the most delightful promenades, where the young ladies are permitted to take exercise--in company with their lady-teachers, and are never disturbed by intruders. Taken altogether there is no more healthy, romantic or desirable situation to be found than Rosedale Seminary.

The foregoing was prepared for an earlier edition of our paper, but, with several other articles, was unavoidably crowded out.

We suppose our country never produced a heavier wheat crop than that just harvested; and, as a general thing, it is of superior quality, gathered in the very best condition. We are sorry that the produce of this year will not be embraced in the returns of the Census takers, we are confident it would place Franklin nearer the top of the pile as a wheat-producing county, than she now occupies, although her present position is a proud one. According to the Census of 1850, there was but six Counties in the United States that produced more Wheat than our own county of Franklin. The following are the Counties that surpassed ours, and the number of bushels each produced:

Monroe county, N.Y. 1,1441,653 bush.

Livingston co., N.Y. 1,111,986 bush.

Ontario co., N.Y. 929,342 bush.

Niagara co., N.Y. 917,739 bush.

Orleans co., N.Y. 854,676 bush.

Lancaster co., Pa. 1,365,111 bush.

Franklin co., Pa. 937,062 bush.

Washington county, Md., comes next to Franklin, she having produced, according to the same returns, 809,093 bushes. This we presume is owing to her position--her contiguity to free soil and good company.

If it could be ascertained, it would be found that the Wheat crop of Franklin, the present harvest, would fall very little, if any, short of 875,000 bushels.

Our Hay crop was also excellent and secured in good condition.

A better crop of Oats was never gathered in the county than that which is now clearly ready for harvesting.

The Corn, so far, bids fair. It is too early, however, to say anything about it. If a drought does not prevail--if the season should prove propitious--according to present appearance, and judging from the breadth planted, the Corn crop will be large.

The Potatoes, so far, are also turning out well in every locality. The early Potatoes that are brought to market are of good quality, and the yield, we understand, is abundant. The trust the later varieties will turn out equally good.

The proceedings of a meeting of our citizens, convened for the purpose of adopting measures to secure the construction of Water Works, will be found in another column.

We are in favor of this enterprize, and have written favorably of it, heretofore. We feel disposed now to urge it, but we apprehend the present movement will end as former agitation upon the same subject has--in talk. Our Borough authorities will not supply the town with Water until as much property will be destroyed as such Works would cost, and then we will get them. It is true, a large expenditure of money would be necessary to bring Water into the town through pipes however economically the works may be constructed. This would add much to the taxes, of property-holders; but the domestic comforts and conveniences that would result therefrom, as well as the great security to property from fire, that would thus be attained, would more than counterbalance the evils of an increased taxation. Property would not only be more secure from fire, but it would be enhanced in value.

If the present movement should result, however, in the accomplishment of the project, contrary to our expectation, we would remark, that the cheapest Water Works they can construct would prove to be the most costly in the end. They should be constructed so as to obviate the use of machinery or a costly superintendance. If water can be procured from the Mountain Springs heretofore spoken of, it would be the most costly, but it would be self- supplying, consequently cheeper [sic] in the end--and then Chambersburg could boast of having the best water in the country.

Water Works

Pursuant to public notice, a meeting of the citizens of the Borough of Chambersburg, convened in the Court House, on the evening of the 12th ins., for the purpose of adopting measures to ascertain the probable cost of erecting Water Works for the use of said borough.

On motion of Col. F. S. Stumbaugh, WM. HEYSER, Sr., Esq., was called to the Chair, and on motion of Hon. Wilson Reilly, J. W. FLETCHER was chosen Secretary.

The object of the meeting have been stated by the chair, the following resolutions, offered by Col. F. S. Stumbaugh, were adopted:

Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, it is indispensably necessary that the Borough of Chambersburg have Water Works erected to supply the same with water sufficient for all purposes.

Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, the works should be erected by the Borough Authorities.

The following resolution, offered by the Hon. Wilson Reilly, was also adopted:

Resolved, That the Burgess and Town Council of the Borough of Chambersburg, be requested to have made an estimate of the probable cost of erecting Water Works for the use of said Borough; and that as soon as said estimate is prepared, it be submitted to a meeting of the citizens, to be convened at the Court House, on notice given by the Chairman of this meeting, to take such action thereon as they may deem proper.

WM. HEYSER, Pres't.

J. W. FLETCHER, Sec'y.

The HON. GEORGE W. BREWER has purchased the elegant residence of the HON. A. K. McCLURE, in this place--price seven thousand dollars. Mr. Brewer is a single man; but that is no reason why he should not purchase a fine home.--Perhaps he is contemplating a small feat of agility, jumping over the broomstick,--if so, all we have to say, is, go ahead! You will never rue it. It would be impossible for you to make a better choice. She is all your heart can desire in a companion for life.

The history of the famous fight, now going on in the ranks of the Democracy, says the Harrisburg Telegraph, will serve to show that on the part of the leaders of both wings there is little, if any difference in principle, and that whatever does exist between them, could easily be compromised, were it not for the personal dispute. One interest has invested largely in Mr. Douglas; another was as deeply interested in his defeat. A bull and bear controversy was the result--one side taking popular sovereignty as its watchword, and the other certain inferences of their own, drawn from the Dred Scott decision. The masses of their supporters are doubtless more sincere; but this very earnestness is an additional barrier in the way of reconciliation. At the late Baltimore Convention a resolution was adopted by the Douglas delegates, pledging adherence to all decisions made by the Supreme Court on the subject of slavery in the territories. Why they should have singled out that solitary application of the judicial exercise is a mystery. Why confine their loyalty to forthcoming decisions, to the single question of slave? Why not pledge themselves in advance to every doctrine enunciated by Judge Taney and his associates? Mr. Douglas hastens to declare his acquiescence in this resolution, calling special attention to it. Is it not then still more evident that he is ready to abandon his independent course of 1858, as soon as it becomes expedient so to do? At the same time the succeeders who nominated Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane, appear to have forgotten their disunion doctrines so openly avowed six months ago. They now represent themselves as the most loyal men to the Union and the Constitution. Only in case of "a certain contingency" (i.e., not having everything their own way,) would they consent to a destruction of the one or the other. The two divisions would thus appear to be almost a unit in point of docrine [sic], and about as much alike as their respective conventions were termed by a Baltimore paper, one being the "Democratic National" Convention. When the secret history of this feud shall have been written, it will be seen that it originated altogether on personal grounds and that the special demonstration for popular sovereignty, made in 1857 and 1858, was nothing but a spider's web for catching silly voters.