Franklin Repository
a column of spiritual and love poetry; proper pronunciation of Lincoln
The Thrilling Speech of Rev. Mr. Moody
Mr. Douglas, the Catholic Candidate
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The presence of Archbishop Hughes at the late New York Douglas demonstration at the Cooper Institute is here considered a very significant circumstance. Southern politicians ask, "what does this mean?" They do not understand the stronghold of Mr. Douglas upon the Roman Catholic division of our people. He is emphatically their candidate, and not altogether from his well known free and full recognition and defence, on all occasions, of the equal civil and religious rights of our fellow-citizens who are aliens by birth and Catholics in religion. Mrs. Douglas, one of the most beautiful and interesting, one of the most amiable and fascinating, one of the most intelligent and benevolent of our most distinguished women of the present day, is a sincere, faithful and devoted member of the Roman Catholic Church.-- Need we say more? Do we here now recognize the influence appealing to the chivalry, the faith and admiration of the devout Catholic which he cannot resist? Is it likely that Archbishop Hughes does not understand all this? And do we not here discover that substantial underlying popular element which will go a great way to account for the bold unyielding front which Mr. Douglas maintains against his Democratic Presidential rivals and enemies.--N. Y. Herald.
a correspondent to the Repository and Transcript describes his travels in Texas; advertisements
Notice To The Tax-Payers of Franklin County
advertisements; a small note of a church--comprised of slaves-- purchasing a slave pastor; a Chicago Journal humorous note of a tall Judge Kelly able to look up to the potential President Abraham Lincoln; note of a Southern Douglas paper enumerating the "noble deeds of the Northern Democracy" in their attempts to preserve and support fugitive slave laws;
Census of1860--Questions to Answer
The Weymouth Poisoning Case
note of a great hail storm; a letter from Kansas covering trials, suicides, etc. and the correspondent indicates that if Kansas becomes a state it would vote for Lincoln.
What Will Please Them?
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The Locofocos are so terribly distressed at the "unheard-of bad treatment which has been exhibited toward GOV. SEWARD, by the Republican Nominating Convention, at Chicago, that apprehensions are felt lest these shedders of crocodile-tears should, themselves, nominate the great Statesman from the Empire State, when their Convention assembles, as it will in a few days, at Baltimore. They profess to see so much that is great, grand and beautiful in MR. SEWARD'S life and character that, judging by their past inconsistent course, we deem it possible that they may startle the world by placing him at the head of their own ticket.
MR. SEWARD met with a serious misfortune--the destruction of his buildings by fire-- which caused him to visit his home in New York State; his return, a few days since, to his seat in the Senate, was seized upon by the Locofocos in that body, as a good opportunity for expressing their high admiration for his many noble properties, both of head and heart. They crowded around and almost killed him with kindness; seeming to forget that, a few months before, when he returned from Europe, they, almost to a man, treated him no better than if he were one of their slaves.
If these political hypocrits [sic] are so short of memory as not to remember their bitter denunciations of MR. SEWARD, using a portion of his speech as an excuse for preventing the organization of the lower house of Congress, for two long months, at the beginning of the present session, calling him, as they did, everything that is odious, in order to create public prejudice against him, the people are not quite so forgetful. They will not soon suffer to pass from their recollection the keen anxiety, on the part of his Locofoco calumniators, to couple him, the great American Statesman, with the foray of "Old John Brown," and his handful of deluded followers, at Harper's Ferry.
The "irrepressible conflict," has been too precious a morceau to these defamers of HENRY CLAY, DANIEL WEBSTER, WM. H. SEWARD, and every other great man who did not belong to their own party, for our party to place any confidence in their late professions of regard for the man they have delighted so much to decry. We have no faith in the death-bed repentance of old, broken down politicians. It is entirely too late for these men to undertake to defend the fair fame of WILLIAM H. SEWARD from reproach and obloquy. Why did not the Locofoco leaders in the U. S. Senate crowd around Mr. S. when he made his debut there this session; especially as he had just returned from a tour through Europe? The answer is, They were then afraid of him. Now they consider him altogether harmless.
If MR. SEWARD had not signified his determination to retire from the political world as soon as his present term in the Senate expires; if the leaders of modern Locofocoism did not consider him as completely out of their road; if they thought there was the smallest likelihood of his being our candidate four years hence--after LINCOLN has managed the affairs of the nation for one term, with unexampled economy, prudence, conservatism, moderation, justice and honesty--for the highest office in the gift of the people, there would be one of the present mock sympathy for him. Their mottos are "Never to speak well of any man who may, be any possibility, defeat one of their own party friends for any office." "Divide the opposition, for then only are you to any extent sure of victory." Consequently, the first would prevent their kind notice of Mr. S., and if they did not think they were carrying out the sentiments of the second, they would not speak well of him now, or treat him in a gentlemanly manner. They hope to sour his mind, and especially the minds of his many warm, ardent friends, by professing to accord to him and his talents the justice they have so long withheld. They do not hesitate to declare that he, and none other, should have been presented as the candidate of the Republicans for the Presidency; but if his name now stood at the head of our ticket, these same men would be busy, at present, diving into the filthiest gutters to bring up the foulest dirt to fling at him. They stoop to conquer; and this is an illustration of their debasing propensity.
It was, perhaps, an act of gross presumption in the Republicans to undertake to form a ticket for themselves--without the assistance of locofoco wire-workers. The locofocos know that the Republicans are destined to control the affairs of this great nation after the 4th of March next, and, as portion of the people who will live under their rule, although they will oppose the change by every means as their command--fair and foul--they seem to think that they should have been consulted as to who would have been our strongest man.
The nigger democracy are hard to please. If one of our great men says that there is an "irrepressible conflict" going on in this country between Free labor and slave labor, they instantly seize hold of the expression and torture out of it all the horrors of civil war, and placing it side by side with the John Brown raid, and Helper's book declare that the election to the Presidency of the author of the sentiment by the Republican party, would be an endorsement of Helper's book, a full recognition of the acts of John Brown, and would be sufficient cause for a dissolution of the American Union. Then, when the Republicans do not see proper to bring forward the gifted SEWARD, the leaders of the Locofoco party lift up their hands with, apparent, holy horror because he was slighted. They pretend to shed an ocean of tears over the misfortunes of a great man. They are hard to please--they will not be satisfied. Congress might almost swim in the tears shed by locofocos over the failure of SEWARD to receive the Chicago nomination; but large as is the briny stream, it is not sufficient to wash out the record of the corruptions of old Mr. Buchanan's administration.
Honest Abe
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Ready For The Bench
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The Railroad To The South West
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At the recent Railroad Convention in Harrisburg, it was clearly shown that there is the greatest possible necessity of a continuous Railroad from Harrisburg to the Ohio river, through the Southern Counties of Pennsylvania, and that it is the interest of Philadelphia or New York to aid in its early construction.
It seems but natural that Philadelphia, with her increasing commercial and manufacturing capacity, be looked to for this aid, and be fully represented in the control of this important Railroad connection with the South West, for she has already over fifty miles in operation on this route, and by extending from Chambersburg, can secure the advantages of the Southern Penna. R. R., with an outlay of several millions less than it would cost the capatalists [sic] of New York to reach the same object.
The people along this contemplated Railroad are strongly in favor of uniting with the great central R. R. for several important reasons.
The route over the C. V. R. R., and through Cowan's Gap to Burnt Cabins, is of the most favorable character.
The other, or New York route, to be independent of the Penna. Central R. R., must pass from Harrisburg through Sherman's Valley and reach Burnt Cabins at about the same distance from Harrisburg, a that of the Cumb. Valley route. From Burnt Cabins westward, the route is the same, whether made by Philadelphia or New York.
Now, it is the duty of the people of Cumberland valley to arouse themselves to vigorous and prompt action in presenting this matter to the capatalists [sic] of Philadelphia, and inviting the Penna. Central R. R. Co. to consolidate the remaining link in their own present Great Work. If this be neglected, New York capital, enterprise and rock powder will force a passage through even the Conococheague mountain and over the Concord Narrows, and thereby secure to New York the possession of this thoroughfare for all time to come.
J. B. M.
Fayetteville, May 24, 1860.
Railroad Convention
advertisements
Military Encampment
Railroad Connection With The Southwest
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The Cumberland Valley Rail Road
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The movement now on foot by New York capitalists to construct a Railroad through Perry, Fulton and Bedford Counties, to the Connellsville road, thus connecting New York and Pittsburg by way of the Lebanon valley, has, says the Carlisle Herald, had the effect of drawing the attention of the Philadelphians to the importance of securing the trade along the southern tier of counties. The Cumberland Valley Road would have been an important link in this projected New York route, had not the Pennsylvania Rail Road Co. checkmated by the New Yorkers, by securing the control of it; and the project now is, to connect with the Connellsville road, by a route which will follow the course of the Cumberland VALLEY road, and for some distance be parallel to it.
The Philadelphia North American, speaking on this subject says:
"If this projected parallel route should be made, it would draw off the trade of Bedford, Fulton, Somerset, and other counties, and particularly that of the Connellsville road. This is a very serious consideration, and should cause some vigorous action to be taken at once to insure the construction of a link to connect the Cumberland Valley road with the Pittsburg and Connellsville line, for which a good practicable route exists. A charter was long since obtained for the purpose, but has lain dormant. This would render the construction of the other line unnecessary.
Some movement of this kind is needed to develope [sic] the resources and enhance the prosperity of the southern counties of Pennsylvania, now isolated from the great routes of trade and travel. No very large amount of money will be required for the work, not near so much as would be needed to build the projected New York line. We know that no matter under what auspices the section named shall be furnished with railway facilities, the city of Philadelphia will be benefitted, as our prosperity is bound up with that of the State. But we desire to see this work in the hands of our own people, and therefore urge that it be taken up by the capitalists of the city and the managers of the Pennsylvania rail road. It will be such a tribute to the eastern division of Pennsylvania, that is from Harrisburg to Philadelphia, as to increase very largely its profits, while at the same time it will make the Cumberland Valley road more lucrative, and not interfere with the regular business of the Pennsylvania road west of Harrisburg."
Mormons Leaving
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Military Decision
Central Club
advertisements
Benjamin vs. Douglas
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advertisements
The Republican Platform
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Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican Electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:
First.--That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party; and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
Second.--That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, that all men are created equal: that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights: that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed: is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved.
Third.--That to the Union of the States, this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may. And we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion so often made by Democratic members of Congress without rebuke, and with applause from their political associates. And we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth.--That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the rights of each State, to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of her political faith depends. And we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any State or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Fifth.--That the present Democrat administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere of Congress and the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest: and in the general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sixth.--That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable, to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.
Seventh.--That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at varience [sic] with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
Eighth.--That the normal conditions of all the Territory of the United States is that of freedom. That as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without the process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it. And we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States.
Ninth.--That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
Tenth.--That in the vetoes by their Federal Governors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in these Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud involved therein.
Eleventh.--That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth.--That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government, by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of industrial interests of the whole country, and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation, commercial prosperity and independence.
Thirteenth.--That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty. And we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.
Fourteenth.--That the Republic Party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired, and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
Fifteenth.--That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a National character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by an obligation of the Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
Sixteenth.--That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.
Seventeenth.--Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.
Of Cincinnati, before the General Conference of the M.E. Church, North, now in session in Buffalo, N.Y., in defence of the Majority Report to amend the Discipline of the Church so as to exclude Slaveholders from membership.