Valley Virginian

The Valley Virginian, though thoroughly State Rights, and southern in its sentiments, has not deemed it necessary or politic to enter into any discussion as to the merits of our "lost cause," or the course of prominent actors in it. We all, no matter what our sentiments were before the war, now believe we were RIGHT, and as for the particular views of anyone, they are not of enough importance, in the presence of the great practical issues now upon us, to require more than a passing notice. Times have changed, and men change with them. A great revolution, a gallant and glorious struggle for independence, has moulded us, as one man in our confidence in the justice of the cause for which we fought and lost so much. The past is behind us, and the future stares us in the face with no pleasing aspect. We are all in the same boat; breakers are around us, and it behooves every lover of his country to forget past prejudices and work with one heart and hand to reach the shore of safety--of practical independence. How to do this is the question that should occupy the earnest thought of all, and every one should devote heart, soul, and body to its successful solution.

The Southern people are placed in a position to fully test their manhood and their greatness. The greater the obstacles to be overcome, the more honor in overcoming them. After a determined struggle for separate independence, the "power of overwhelming numbers and resources" forced us to yield, on certain conditions. The only authorized powers of the U. S. Government offered them: First, Grant, the Commander-in-Chief, paroled the body of our population, and we have faithfully observed the terms of that parole. Next, Andrew Johnson, President of the U. S., issued an amnesty proclamation, and laid down rules for the practical reorganization of the Southern States. We accepted the terms, and have carried out our part of the contract to the letter, and to their satisfaction, and we hoped for peace. But the party which, by its interference with our rights, under the Constitution, brought on the war, is not satisfied. New tests are originated; our plighted word, accepted by Grant and Johnson, they pretended to doubt, and with hellish malignity, they harass us at home and prevent emigration and capital from coming to our relief. Peace, the Radical party does not want, for peace to it means loss of power. They desire the condition of society in the South to be unsettled; and, to accomplish this object, they use every means to incite the ignorant colored population to deeds of violence, which renders life and property insecure among us, and gives their party a rallying cry about our "barbarities." Poor, disarmed, robbed, plundered--nothing but the nerve and iron will of the President has saved us from a fate worse than any people ever met. And, for all this, we have but the consoling, thought that we have done our duty, and come what may, no blame can rest on this people for the result.

And, again; the oft repeated question, "What are we to do?" comes up. Ah! "what are we to do?" Every man, every woman, every child in the South, earnestly asks that question, and an almost sickening feeling comes over one at some thoughts it brings us. But still, amid all the doubt, we were about to say despair, of the future, one encouraging fact looms grandly to the front, a beacon of light, a morning star of hope, to this sorely oppressed and troubled people. It is that we have gone to work. A settled determination has taken possession of us, as a people, that our earthly salvation lies in obeying God's first law, that "by the sweat of your brow you shall live." And there is hope, there is life, there is material and political independence in this stern fact, as hard as has been the way in which it has been forced upon us. There is something in this spirit, too, that should be heeded by the money-loving Yankees; it is a spirit that says we "will fight the devil with fire;" that whatever is of material interest or value in your way of life we will adopt and excel you in, leaving to you the isms and the crack-brained follies of the day. We will show you that we can and will rise superior to you in every department of trade, manufactures, and commerce; we will, in spite of your oppressions, absorb the best portion of your population, and with our delightful climate, our inexhaustible resources, our unsurpassed water power, demonstrate to the world that the Southern people are to be the people of this continent. This is the feeling that has been created by what the Radicals have done, and time will show whether the Southern race has the nerve, the endurance, the patience, to carry it out.

We believe they have; we have a firm faith in the substantial qualities of our people; in their pride, and in the kindness of an All Wise Father, who has permitted us to be oppressed sorely, to show us the true path to follow in the future. And what of the negro in this grand future? some may ask. That question is to be answered by the negro. If he is the man, and has the sense to work with our people, he is safe; if not, then he will be crushed under the feet of the irresistible giant, progress. Our people are ready and willing to employ and help these people, but they must help themselves, and if they do not, God alone can forsee their fate.

So amid all the gloom and despondency of the present, we see a bright gleam of hope in the future; and if this people, who have endured so much; who have achieved so much, are only true to themselves; to their past and their honor; and work, our future will surpass the wildest dreams of the most sanguine.

We had intended to analyze this "bill of abominations" more particularly, but we find the work so well and ably done by Ex-Governor Wm. S. Sharkey, of Mississippi, in a letter to Gov. Humphries, of that State, dated September 17th, that we feel confident we can't do much better than quote from it. Gov. Sharkey was an honest and consistent Union man during the war, and he deems this a question of such importance that he writes his views to the Mississippi Legislature, now in extra session. Mark well what he says!

"But let us look, for a moment, at the provisions of the proposed amendment.

"The first section declares that 'All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside.' It then proceeds to prohibit the States from making or enforcing any law 'which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens.'It does not say what are privileges and immunities; that is left for the next Congress to provide in virtue of the last session which declares 'that Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.' We may find Congress conferring 'privileges and immunities' on one class to the exclusion of another class; or we may find Congress assuming absolute control over all the people of a State and their domestic concerns, and this virtually abolishes the State. Perhaps any State that has so little self-respect as to adopt the amendment, deserves no better fate."

"The second section, if my construction of it be right, would probably exclude one State from representation in Congress, as I suppose the number of male negroes over twenty one to be nearly equal to the number of white males. It is, therefore, a mere effort to force negro suffrage upon us, whether we are willing or not. Either do this or you shall have no representation. It is presumed that our intelligent people would hesitate long in making their choice.

"The third section provides that no person shall hold any office who may have heretofore taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and who afterwards engaged in the rebellion, or who gave aid and comfort to those who did engage in it. This is a sweeping act of disfranchisement, which would embrace, perhaps, a majority of our citizens; for there are probably few who have not, in some way or other, taken an oath to support the Constitution.

"Even those who opposed secession, and engaged in the war only under compulsion, would be embraced by this provision, as well as the man who had given to a hungry soldier a meal's victuals or a piece of bread; and also all those who, in charity, had given an article of clothing to a suffering friend or relative in the army. Such a provision would be so contrary to the theory of our Government, and so oppressive towards a very large class of the population of the Southern States, that it cannot be supposed that those who proposed it could have entertained a hope that it would be accepted. They ought to have known, too, that such a provision was calculated to endanger the existence of the Government, as revolutions may always be expected, sooner or later, from acts which disfranchised the enfranchised class. If the people cannot exclude unworthy or undeserving men from office by the instrumentality of the ballot box, then they are unfit for self-government, and the sooner they abandon the experiment the better.

"I need say nothing of the fourth section, but the 5th is the Trojan horse abounding in mischief. It provides that 'Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provision of this article,' which may be construed to authorize Congress to do whatever it may desire to do. Under this same provision, attached to the emancipation amendment, you have the Civil Rights bill and the Freedmen's Bureau bill. It was construed in the Senate, just as I admonished many members of the Legislature it would be to authorize these odious measures. We should profit by the experience it has furnished us.

We have intended for some time to notice that Thos. Campbell, the well-known, obliging and respected colored barber of Staunton, is still holding forth at his old stand under the Virginia Hotel. Tom, like his father before him, is a Conservative colored gentleman, in every way worthy of the large patronage he receives. He is an example of what good manners, honesty and correct deportment will do for a colored man.

Our country friend would do well to look about them now for the hands they intend to work the coming year. Search out the most reliable and industrious among the negroes, and make your contracts with them at once. Be fair and just in the wages offered; pay them promptly according to the terms of your contract, and many of the difficulties of which complaint is made of this kind of labor will be avoided.

The congregation under charge of Parson Lawson have the foundation for their large Church, on the Sceely lot, finished. The plans for a fine Church have been drawn by Prof. Oltman, and an estimate of the cost is being made. This congregation has some $2,000 on hand, part of it a donation from Mr. Scott, of Philadelphia. They are very sanguine of soon creating a building that will accommodate their large congregation and be a credit to the town. They have the best wishes of the community in their undertaking. Work will be commenced on the Bethel Church next month. It is situated on the road to the Cemetery. They expect to erect a small, but handsome Church. The manner in which the colored people have managed to raise the means for building these Churches, and the enterprise they show, reflects great credit on them.