Valley Spirit

If the conflict between the partisans of the President and those of Congress continue to increase in violence in the same ratio that we have lately seen, it will not take long to bring the Government to the precipice over which the despots of Europe are so eager to see it topple. Shall we go blindly on in this suicidal course until the fulfillment of the monarchical prophesies be reached? Shall we confirm and demonstrate the theory that republican government is a mistake? If we would avoid the danger of such an end, we must cease the foolish conduct which now disturbs and agitates the country, and restore the Union to its old condition of peace, tranquility and prosperity.

The most alarming feature of the recent canvass was the fact, that the utterances of the Radical speakers that were most applauded, were those that were the bitterest and most ferocious against the people of the South. Passion and prejudice, hatred and revenge, held high festival under the utterances of Butler, Wade, &c. Until that human storm shall have subsided, there can be no more hope for the restoration of the Union to its old conditions of peace, tranquility and prosperity. But will that storm be permitted to subside? Not if those interested in keeping it up can control it. They will keep it a going until it shall have accomplished their work.

"I am preparing for publication, in one paper, an article on the relapse of our negroes into the vilest, African superstitious. The downward way out here, is frightful.--Leading, old artful negroes are carrying hundreds of deluded fellows along with them in the new religion, which they teach. Among its first principles are the following: that God who governed formerly is dead: that the Yankee war overthrew Him; that he was a slave of God; that Christ was the white man's slave; that he upheld white folks in sustaining the institution of slavery; that he is now defunct; and that old negro women are elevated to the Christhood, and invested with full authority and power to manage the interest of the salvation.

If the freed people of Mississippi have adopted such revolting superstitions in twelve months, as are described by Dr. Marshall, what will be their moral condition in five years? It will require the most energetic effort to prevent them from becoming cannibals, to the most shocking customs of Africa. We must educate these people or look for the worse consequence of our folly.

The Democratic party North and South hold the key of the political situation.--They are conscious of their strength, of their responsibility, and their duty. The political dead-lock will be terminated by the Democratic party, not by Congress, not by the Republican party, not by the North. The North is able to exclude the South from representation in Congress. Its is impotent to govern the South after its own desires. Nothing but self-government is possible in these United States: and for the North to govern the South, whether military domination, by territorial rule, or indirectly through the imposition of constitutional amendments, is ruin to the party that undertakes it. The Republican party has been victorious in the late elections in most of the Northern States. But how does its victory advantage it? It is able to keep the Thirty-ninth Congress a Rump and the Fortieth. It is able to override vetoes. It can legislate to its heart's content. But with what result? It can accomplish everything--except what it desires; to bend the South to its will by protracted denial of their representative rights, or by changes in the federal Constitution. That way its own ruin lies, this way it its path is hedged by thirteen States, more than one-fourth the number ever likely to form the Union. The Republican party control the machinery by which States may be lawlessly excluded from Congress, and every hour that exclusion is prolonged undermines their own strength. The Democratic party control the machinery by which constitutional amendments are defeated. Besides the ten excluded States which led by Georgia, will refuse assent to the Rump's amendments, and alone suffice to defeat them, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware. States always loyal, will join in giving them their coup de grace.

The political situation is therefore a complete dead-lock. This dead-lock, we repeat, cannot be terminated by the North, nor by the South, nor by the Republican party.--Sections are impotent, and sectional parties are impotent in a situation like this. The dead-lock will be terminated by a political party, for it is a political struggle; by a national party, for the contest includes all parts of the nation; by the Democratic party North and South, which is the only national party; by means of a compromise founded on mutual concessions, since each of the forces at dead-lock has a complete check-mate upon the other; by a compromise proposed by the South, because the one-sided, unguaranteed, partisan proposal of the North has been, or will be rejected by nearly one-half of the people of the North and all of the people of the South; by a compromise acceptable to a majority of the people of the South and to a majority of the people of the North the Democratic party, namely, which will then and then, as the only national party, as the only Union party, as the free-trade, sound currency, and state-rights party, recover its natural majority throughout the United States.

That the Democratic party of the North and South must hold the key to the political situation is perceived by their lately victorious opponents. It is betrayed, in their absurdly clamorous cries, reiterated after every failure to materially diminish its formidable strength at the North, that the Democratic party is "shattered to pieces," is "without a mission," is "dead." It is disclosed, in their own failure to cohere about anything save the fading passions of civil war: it is confessed, this consciousness that peace and union can be given to the nation only by the Democratic party of the North and South; is proclaimed even, by the organs of the Republican party, in their vigilance to watch and their haste to discuss, sometimes to misrepresent, the tenatives put forth by the organs of the Democratic opinion, North and South, in ascertaining, expressing organizing, in ascertaining, expressing, organizing, and moulding the satisfactory and final plan for this political pacification.

A Western Democratic journal, the Chicago Times, and an Eastern, the Boston Post, have recently discussed this matter tentatively rather than positively, by negatives rather than affirmatives. Whereupon follows a chorus of hullabaloos from all the Republican press, as if the Democratic party had exploded to atoms and were chrystalizing about some novel heresy. But what is it that our Western contemporary said: "Will the people in the several States preserve to themselves their constitutional right to prescribe the qualification of electors and the eligibility of persons to hold office," (both proposed to be taken away from the people of the several States and given to Congress, and by the Rump amendments, "a power they have rightfully exercised from the origin of the government to the present item, or will they yield up that power to the possession of a centralized oligarchy in the national capital? These are the opposing propositions from which there is no escape. There is no other alternative."

The people of Massachusetts have ever steadfastly refused to allow the Southern and Western States to regulate, or in any way to interfere with their local institutions and policies. They established impartial suffrage when the people in every other State were almost unanimously opposed to it. They had the right to do so, and, in exercising that right, neither the people in any other State nor the general government had any right to interfere. This right the people of Massachusetts will never peacefully yield. It is a right which belongs equally to the people of Illinois, of South Carolina and of every other State of the Republic. It is this right which the Radical advocates of centralization propose to take away from the people of the States and transfer to the central government, and in that respect, changing our government system from a republic of States to centralized despotism."

We fail to perceive here a political apocalypse. Unless we dream, this cardinal constitutional, democratic doctrine; a terse reiteration of the argument with which Mr. Curtis opened the late campaign in this State, and dealt one of the heaviest blows to the Rump amendments, which amendments assail this doctrine on every side.

The Chicago Times goes on to recommend a State Convention in Illinois, for the establishment of impartial suffrage there "by the highest and only authority which has a right to establish it--the people of the State; thus giving a practical exemplification of its sound State-rights doctrine.

The Times expresses the further opinion that "there is no other way in which the people of the several States can avert this blow, aimed at their dearest rights, but by proceeding without delay to exercise these rights Massachusetts has done, by the establishment of impartial suffrage. The opinion of the Times, however, is subject to its own remark in a preceding paragraph: "The representatives of South Carolina or of Massachusetts may understand, the wants and interests of the people in their own State better than the representatives of Illinois or California understand them; and is subject also to the criticism that neither New York, nor South Carolina, nor Georgia, nor Illinois has to fear or to avert any blow from any quarter against the State right to control suffrage whilst thirteen is more than one-fourth of fifty-one.

When Dogberry commanded his constables to comprehend "all vagrom men," it was asked him, "How if they will not stop," and the reply of Dogberry was, "Then let them go in God's name." However, judged not harshly as the expedient of political cowardice to save State rights by voluntary surrender of them, but judged fairly as a proposition of sound political reform to the homogeneous and enlightened people of a noble State, this recommendation of impartial suffrage to people of Illinois seems to us sagacious and prudent and in the direction of democratic freedom and equality; but of that the people of Illinois will judge for themselves.

The Boston Post, too, which has perceived the benefits of impartial suffrage in Massachusetts, "based on citizenship, taxation, and a certain degree of intelligence, would be glad to see it adopted by every State in the Union;" "because, "a rule of that sort is too firmly fixed in justice and equality to be shaken,"

"But adoption is another matter from enforcement. We are at perfect liberty to discuss this matter within those limits by which our own political power is bounded; and we may set forth as noble illustration of our convictions as a local example will admit; but it is not allowed us to combine in Congress and compel either States to follow that example though it were the perfection of reason in itself and the ne puls ultra of justice and morality."

Had the Republican press, before the elections, only given currency, as we repeatedly, and in vain challenged them to do, to such arguments as these for the Democratic doctrine of a State's right to control its suffrage, such arguments as these against the Rump's amendments, which propose to bribe and bully and control the States in their exercise of this right, such illustrations as these of fidelity to the spirit as well a the letter of our constitutional obligations, one toward another, then, possibly, to see elections might have had a different result. It is fortunate that they now circulate widely and in such unwanted places, both because it is a leaven of truth among the Republican masses, and because it prepares the way for the final plan of pacification, which they help to form, and with which the Democratic party will unclose our political dead-lock, and open our political future.

We desire to be excused for adducing further evidence that the Democratic party North and South, hold the key to the political future, in the manner in which our own contributions to the result have been received by the Republican press. They have not, indeed, been welcomed with joyful acclamations such as salute the birth or the entrance of an heir-apparent upon the sovereignty of his dominions; nor heralded as the preliminary fissures of a coming cataclysm; they seem rather to have won their way to general assent.

Last week we remarked: "When the Southern States have all rejected the amendment--as they certainly will--and have thereby demonstrated that they are masters of the situation so far as that measure is concerned, we trust they will, by some method of joint action, make a counter proposition. The possibility of their doing this could in no way be so completely frustrated as by the blustering, threatening tone of the Times and Evening Post which kept telling the people of the South that if they do not ratify the pending amendment they will be forced to submit to something a great deal worse * * * Concessions may be offered which could never be extorted; and we hope that instead of intruding further impertinent advice, backed by insolent and irritating threats, the Republicans may temper their barren victory with moderation and allow the South a litle interval for calm reflection and spontaneous action."

We need point to no stronger proof of the position of the Democratic party than the fact that the New York Times now has ceased its minatory language, contemplates now the summary rejection of the constitutional amendment, and so far from threatening the South with "something a great deal worse," awaits its "counter proposition" with respectful patience. It says: To escape misapprehension, however, the South should not content itself with a summary and somewhat sullen rejection of the constitutional amendment. If the terms proposed are unacceptable it should suggest others."

Presently the Republican party will learn that neither the State right of self-government, nor the right of representation in Congress, will the Democratic party of the South or the North permit to be regarded as anything less than a right, or suffer to be made the subject matter of any trade, negotiation, compromise, or concession whatever. What can be compromised and what can be conceded it will be time enough to state when the Rump Congress perceives the present dead-lock, and desires release from it.--N. Y. World

There is a deep and solemn calm manifest throughout the country, evidently produced by the threatening state of affairs which will require a most deliberate and most scrutinizing investigation on the part of the ablest men to prevent the storm which is apparent, if the counsel of the Radical leaders shall prevail. No reflecting mind can survey the situation of the country without beholding in the future a state of affairs, unless calmed by moderation, that is truly alarming, should a conflict take place for the supremacy of the Constitution and the principles which gave vitality to the nation. Every individual, who is conversant with the history of the convention which framed the Constitution, must be aware that it required moderation and forbearance in the accomplishment of the grand idea of establishing a constitutional government that would meet the wants and wishes of the people--not a party--but the whole people. The doctrine of the Radicals is that the majority is the nation, and that the minority has no rights except those which may be granted, not as a right, but by sufferance, which is repugnant to the Constitution and its elementary principles. The wise men who framed the Constitution kept in view the rights of the States and their political equality, and clearly defined the powers of the co-ordinate branches.

In the division of power, they were particular in establishing the right of Representation in the Senate upon the broad principle of equality, which gave the same power to Delaware and Rhode Island as were conferred upon New York; but the Radical doctrine is the absorption of all power in the hands of Congress, which, if carried out, would establish a Legislative oligarchy, whose edicts would be the supreme law, thus overriding the Constitution, compelling the President to be the mere instrument in their hands for the execution of their edicts. Why was the veto power conferred upon the President? It was conferred for the express purpose of checking hasty legislation, which has always resulted from partisan leaders whose ulterior objects were self-aggrandizement, rather than the public good. The treaty making power was conferred by the Constitution upon the Executive Department of the Government and not the Legislative, which clearly defines the principle of the independence of each to the other in the exercise of their respective functions. Congress can declare war with the approval of the President, but the President and the Senate can make a treaty of peace independent of the Legislature, which establishes the fact beyond controversy that the Executive Department of the Government is independent of the Legislative; but Congress now claims the right to impeach the President for the exercise of his constitutional prerogative in checking a system of legislation which is not only repugnant to the Constitution, but which, if persisted in, will involve the country in an internecine war, the horrors of which cannot be foretold.

The impeachment of the President for partisan purposes will not be tolerated, and the Radical Congress may just as well understand the fact. Whenever it shall be attempted, it will be looked upon as an usurpation of the entire Government and a declaration of war, which would call millions of men to arms in vindication of the Constitution. It would be a war of Constitutionists against Destructives, and, in that war one portion of the country would be a unit whose fighting qualities are now the admiration of the civilized world, while the other portion would be nearly balanced as to numbers, and the fighting material in favor of the Constitution would predominate.

We are in favor, as we have always been, of the peace and quiet of the country, that we may move onward in our career of power and greatness; and we would as strenuously oppose the Executive Department, if it were to undertake to control the Legislative Department, as we do the attempt of the Legislative to absorb the whole power of the Government by an attempt to impeach a worthy and patriotic President, who is the admiration of the whole civilized world, and whose goodness of heart, in attempting to heal the wounds of a distracted country, is a proud monument of human wisdom; and, when he retires to private life, he can emphatically say, in the language of Cyrus, "Bis vincit, qui se vincit in victoria:--that is, "He conquers twice, who restrains himself in victory!" It may be truly said that Andrew Johnson is this day a living monument of greatness, for he has conquered twice by restraining himself in the hour of victory: and all he has now to do is to stand by the Constitution and he may rest assured, if the Radicals attempt to impeach him, the watch-fires for Constitutional Liberty will illumine his path, and he will be victorious.--Constitutional Union.

On the 18th instant, the American colonization ship Golconda, sailed from Charleston South Carolina, with six hundred and fifty colored immigrants for Liberia, in Africa. The emigrants were principally from Georgia and South Carolina. They were given free passage, and will be supplied by the society for six months after their arrival in Liberia, with provisions and houses to live in. From five to ten acres of land (according to the size of the family,) are also granted to them.

Emigration to Liberia would go on most extensively were it not for the constant agitation of the negro suffrage and equality question in this country by the Radicals and the false hopes of influence and political power which are held out to the blacks by truculent and ambitious demagogues. If political parties could be induced, with one accord, to drop the negro race as an available election lever with which to lift political platforms and their damaged freight of plundering demagogues into power, it would be vastly better for the black man in every respect. Then all good men could unite to better his condition and elevate him, if possible, to a sphere of social usefulness. No class nor party of white men desire to keep down or crush the black race, however much they may object to the social and political equality, and detest miscegenation.

It is pretty generally admitted that the great majority of the blacks are unfitted, through ignorance and lack of intellectual endowment or development, for the exercise of the franchise (citing no other reason,) and that, if allowed political privileges, they must naturally become the tools of designing politicians. The extension of political rights to them would therefore prove a positive injury. Without independence or intelligence sufficient to combine and sell or use their power, their votes would be a constant bone of contention between political leaders and capitalists, and between them the negro would be crushed instead of being lifted up.

Without political rights, however, the negro would not excite the jealousy or hatred of any party, and hence much could be done for his material welfare that is now neglected or refused. Employment would be furnished him; schools would be opened and maintained for his development, and thousands of busy brains would devise ways and means to lighten his burden and smooth his pathway. Not only this, but colonization schemes would be devised and fostered, by which all the colored people in America could eventually be transferred to their original African home and established as sovereigns of a free and independent Black Republic. This would be infinitely better for both the white and black races, and, if we desire peace, prosperity and power for the Great Republic, in the future, colonization must be made the solution of the negro question.--Patriot & Union

"There is at present no common platform of sympathy on which we can meet. They are proud and arrogant with recent victory; we are crushed and mortified by defeat.--They have prospered by the war--we have been ruined by defeat. We are without power and are helpless in either political or physical contests--they possess all power and are using it ruthlessly. When adversity shall make them feel the need of human aid and sympathy, then will they be disarmed of bitterness and hate, and will listen to the voice of those whom they call "brethern" without treating them as such.

The keen, sharp pangs of mutual pain are what are needed to draw together the North and the South. We have had ours--we are having it now; but the penalty of pride and vain glory--of worshipping the golden calf--has not yet, in any shape or form, been visited upon the North. Until that section learns how to sympathize with suffering by experiencing it--until the hard hearts North of the Potomac shall be softened by affliction coming from some quarter, and pressing heavily upon their persons, their property or affections, they will be in no frame of mind to commune with us as members of a common ancestry and brotherhood.

The signs of a commercial and financial ruin at the North, (the natural results of wild speculation and an inflated currency,) are ominous. Should those shadows become solid realities--should foreign war arise--the political tempest will no longer fiercely rage