Valley Spirit

Much has been said by radical journals and radical politicians about the rebellious spirit which they say still exists in the South. And these charges are repeated over and over again in the face of the most indisputable testimony of their falsity. President Johnson says that the Southern people have done much better than under the circumstances "could reasonable have been expected;" and General Grant informs us that from his intercourse with leading Southern men he believes that the mass of the people have accepted the situation "in good faith." Evidence from such high and respectable sources we might reasonable suppose would be conclusive, but not so. Senator Sumner has a scrap-book, in which he has collected innumerable letters from a class of men, not natives to the South, but Yankees from New England who are just now prowling through the South for no good purpose, and when Senator Cowan no doubt truly denominates as "cotton thieves." The huge assertions of the creatures are set up against the official testimony of the President and Lieutenant General. [unclear] could surely go further.

These charges and the [unclear] as to the temper and spirit of the Southern people, are circulated by the radical leaders, not because they believe them themselves, or have the good of the country at heart, but because they have a political purpose in view, to succeed in which it is necessary to deceive the county as to the true condition of things. They well know that the complete restoration of the Union will be certain political destruction to them and their party. Having been mainly instrumental in bringing the late terrible civil war upon the country, they are not yet satisfied with the ruin and desolation which they have already created. Their thirst for blood is not yet satisfied, their cry for vengeance not yet appeased. The horrors of the last four years they wish to see continue, in order that they and their party may continue to fatten on the spoils. Such is their insatiate lust for power, that rather than give up their hold they would be willing to see, not only the South, but the whole country sunk into irretrievable bankruptcy and ruin.

The Southern people have thus far refused to gratify these bloody Jacobins by affording them an opportunity for more blood and spoliation, but, like sensible people, have accepted the situation in "good faith." They doubtless ardently desired to the South remain sullen and morose, their armies break up into guerrilla bands and carry on a desultory warfare for an indefinite period. And why? The reason is obvious. It would have afforded them an excellent pretext for putting in force their pet scheme for holding the lately rebellious States for years, under military rule as subjugated provinces, deprived of all political rights. Being disappointed by the cheerful acquiescence of the Southern people in the results of the war, they have resorted to falsehood to accomplish their purposes. A pretext they wanted and a pretext they must have. If the Southern people did not furnish it, it must be had through paid emissaries sent South to misrepresent the people.

The grace and manly dignity with which the South met the final defeat of their arms commends itself to the enlightened judgment of mankind. After fighting with a bravory and heroism unequalled in the annals of warfare, when further resistance became hopeless, they surrendered to their fate with scarcely a murmur, and addressed themselves promptly and energetically to the work of reorganizing the suspended functions of their State governments with a view of a speedy restoration to the Federal Union. In this work their ablest and best men took a leading and conspicuous part. The people have become reconciled, and we might say gratified with the change. They have renewed their allegiance in good faith, and express and earnest desire for the speedy re-establishment of the old order of things, more firmly convinced than ever that their permanent safety and prosperity lies within the Union, and in a faithful obedience to the Constitution and laws of the country.

We have no fears of the South when such men as Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnson and Wade Hampton throw the weight of their mighty influence in favor of the permanent restoration of the former constitutional relations with the old Union, and against any and every species of violence and disorder. These men were among the most prominent and active participants in the rebellion, yet when defeat came they were among the first to frankly acknowledge the fact with all its consequences. But they did not stop here. They advised their followers to do likewise. And the present promising and hopeful aspect of Southern affairs, is greatly owing to the influence exerted in the right direction by men such as these. They fought bravely in defence of a cause they doubtless believed to be right. Distinguished as they were for skill and valor on the field of battle, their names derive a new lustre and their character a more brilliant hue from their noble and patriotic conduct in the hour of defeat. The names of Sumner, Stevens & Co., will not stand as fair in history as theirs.

The time is near at hand for the Democracy of Pennsylvania to select a candidate for Governor. Several very worthy gentlemen have been named for the position either of whom would satisfy the people of Franklin county. Clymer of [unclear] and Cass of Pittsburg are best [unclear] to us. The gentlemen first named is decidedly the favorite of our citizens, and for that reason, we presume, he will received the steady support of our delegates. my Clymer is eminently fitted for the post. For many years he has been in the Senate of Pennsylvania taking and active part in the business of that body, always standing firmly by the interests of the Commonwealth. An whilst corruption was stalking abroad in open day, he has always borne the character of an honest and incorruptible legislator. It is from the ranks of men like these, that we should make choice of our standard bearers. Men who have been strongly tempted, and have triumphed.

His abilities, his general acquirements and enlarged experience, will make him, if elected, a firm and efficient Chief Magistrate for the State. Gen. Cass, we know is a gentleman of high attainments and of unquestionable integrity, and stands first in the Western counties of the State. If he should be the choice of the convention he will receive our cheerful and cordial support.

In making our choice we are not moved by any personal considerations. We have only looked for fitness and availability. It is time we had a magistrate who will maintain the dignity of the position.

Judging form the course pursued by the Chicago Tribune and some other organs of the Republicans, the situation of things at Washington is very hazy from heir point of view. The Chicago paper states that Mr. Johnson has issued orders to the various departments, suspending all appointments to office on the nomination of members of congress, and this is interpreted to mean that the President means to withhold official patronage from those who withhold support form his policy. Thereupon it is argued vehemently that the party which elected Mr. Johnson is entitled to the offices, that he his bound to give them to Republicans, that he is a traitor to the party if he do otherwise, and much more of the same sort. All which is arrant nonsense, of course. We have seen no indications, as yet, of any intention on the part of President Johnson to leave the Republicans. A single proof is enough, namely, that Mr. Stanton remains in office. If they leave him, that is quite another thing; but it is certainly true that he has rewarded with high office, quite recently, men who were active in carrying such States as new Jersey against the Democrats, and we have not heard of a solitary Democratic appointment made by him , notwithstanding the vary earnest support given to his policy by Democratic conventions and speakers in all parts of the country. There is no need, as yet, of such frantic demonstrations on the part of the Chicago radicals.

But if the President should pursue the course thus marked out by those who fear it, where is the ground of blame? This is a question worth asking, for it involves an inportant principle. There is no pretence that anything in the Baltimore platform, or in any former utterance of the Republican party, is isolated by the restoration policy of the President. What then? Why, this absurd and outrageous claim is put forward, namely, that a President elected by a party is bound to obey the will of that party in all new questions arising after his election. Could anything be more ridiculous? And yet this is the precise dogma now put forth by the Republican politicians in all parts of the country. They insist that an elected President must go with his party. if they want to introduce new social systems, if they want to tack on negro suffrage as a new plank in their party platform, if they want to insist on disunion except on conditions wholly undreamed of in 1864, they maintain that Mr. Johnson must follow their lead, accept and carry out all their new ideas, and be, in short, he mere machine of the party will for all purposes. When he sees the party drifting away from him, and refuses to follow them in their mad career, they charge him with treason to the party. If he declines to appoint crazy men to office they grow indignant. What a miserable automaton, or worse, what a tool of political gamblers, would a President become if this claim were allowed, and its practical results permitted!

If Mr. Johnson were desirous of giving a broad hint to these gentlemen, he has the opportunity in the vacant collectorship of New York. The selection of a well-known Democrat, esteemed among our merchants, for that office, would be a sounding intimation that the President thought the Republicans deserting the platform of patriotism and the Democrats rallying to his support upon it. If that appointment to a vacant office operated as a bugle call to bring back those who are deserting, he would doubtless thereafter make his choice of officers among the Republicans who elected him. If they did not heed he call then [unclear] a few radicals, as a broader hint to opponents of his policy, say a Chicago postmaster and a Boston collector, and teach one or two more compleuous officers with his wand. Whenever he succeeded in bringing the Republicans to his standing place, as Union men, then he could give them offices and agenda to their content. But they are very [unclear] as the reward of electing him, whatever their course with regard to him now.

The fact really is, that Mr. Johnson never was a member of their party, was always a Democrat, was selected by them because he was a Democrat, and, strange as it may appear, his policy is now closely and sincerely sustained by the entire strength of the Democratic party.

Our advice to the partisans who are in such anxiety about offices is, to go back to Mr. Johnson, and take back the Republican party bodily with them, if they can. Now is the time. The Democrats, though sustaining his policy, do not adopt Mr. Johnson as in any sense their leader, nor will they so long as he retains Mr. Stanton and like men in office. But if the radicals are not wise in time, the President will be compelled to send Mr. Stanton et id omne genus adrift, and invite the cordial support of the Democracy. Then it will be too late for any hungry radical to save any share of the spoils.--

Journal of Commerce.

The Convention of delegates of the 7th Normal School District, was held in the Court Hall, on the 10th inst.

On motion of A. McElvian, C. R. Colborn, Esq., of Harrisburg, Superintendent of Common Schools, was called to the chair.

Messrs., P. M. Shoemaker, of Upper Strasburg, and F. M. L. Gillelen, of Newville, Cumberland county, were appointed Secretaries.

On motion, a call of the counties composing the district was made by the President.

Cumberland and Franklin responded, and eight delegates from the former and nine from the latter presented credentials, vis: Dr. R. C. Hays, Prof. F. M. L. Gillelen, J. W. Craig. Peter Ritner, Rev. B. M. Kerr, W. Penn Lloyd, Dr. Kauffman and J. C. Eckels, of Cumberland, and Hon. F. M. Kimmell, J. W. Coble, Hon. John Orr, Simon Bitner, A. M. McElvian, Wm. Cossert, W. B. Gabby, J. W. Douglas and P. M. Shoemaker, of Franklin.

On motion of G. Swartz, Esq., County Superintendent of Cumberland county, was made an honorary member of the Convention.

Mr. Gillelen then offered the following resolution, vis:

Resolved, That the Convention now assembled decide on the county in which the Normal School shall be located.

Mr. J. W. Douglas moved to amend by submitting the following, vis:

Resolved, That proposals for erecting Normal School buildings in the seventh district be forwarded to, and opened by the Superintendent of Common Schools of Pennsylvania, on Tuesday, the 5th day of June, 1866, from the several parts of the district, and that party pledging themselves bona fide to the largest amount of money shall be entitled to the school, provided they come within the provision of the law.

After some discussion, in which the delegates of Franklin opposed, the amendment, the yeas and nays were called, when the amendment was adopted: yeas 9, nays 8.

The resolution as amended was then passed.

At the instance of Hon. F. M. Kimmell, Mr. Coburn addressed the Convention on the design and necessity of Normal Schools.

On motion the Convention adjourned.

C. R. COBURN, President. P. M. SHOEMAKER, F. M. L. GILLELEN, Secretaries.

A swindler made is appearance on our streets on Saturday last and victimised quite a number of verdant people. His mode of operating was selling greenbacks for considerably less than their value. He then sold a number of Brass Lockets and gave the money back. After disposing of a number in this way he put his hand in another pocket, and pulling out some more lockets, said, "my friends here are some higher priced lockets; who wants a locket for five dollars?" As before, there were numerous applicants, and when he had supplied as many as could raise the five dollars, he quietly said, "my friends this is a bona fide sale; I did not say I would give you back your five dollars," and drove away, having cleared about sixty or seventy dollars.

We cannot say that we sympathise with his victims. People who are green enough to be taken in by such swindlers deserve to lose their money.