Valley Spirit

Has that woman a call to be a wife who thinks more of her silk dress than her children, and visits her nursery no oftneer than once a day? Has a woman a call to be a wife who calls for a cashmere shawl when her husband's notes are being protested? Has that woman a call to be a wife who sits reading the last new novel, while her husband stands before the glass vainly trying to pin together a buttonless shirt bosom? Has that woman a call to be a wife who expects her husband to swallow diluted coffee, soggy bread, smoky tea, and watery potatos, six days out of seven? Has she a call to be a wife who flirts with every man she meets, and reserves her frowns for the home fireside? Has she a call to be a wife who comes down to breakfast in abominable curi [unclear] papers, a soiled dressing gown, and shoes down at her feet? Has she a call to be a wife whose husband's love weights naught in the balance with her next door neighbor's damask [unclear] curtains or velvet carpet? Has she a call to be a wife who would take advantage of a moment of [unclear] weakness to exhort money or extract [unclear] Has she a call to be a wife who takes a journey for pleasure, leaving her husband [unclear] Has she a call to be a wife to whom a good husband's society is not the greatest of earthly blessings, and a house full of rosy children its best furnishing and prettiest ornament?

When Beau Brummel was asked what makes the gentleman, his quick reply was, "Starch, starch, my lord!" This may be true; but it takes a great deal more to make a lady; and though it may to some seem singular, I am ready to maintain that no conceivable quantity of mushn[unclear], silk, or satin, edging, trilling, hooping, flouncing, or turbelowing can per se or per dressmaker, constitute a real lady. Was not Mrs. Abbott Lawrence just as much a lady when attired in twelvecent calico, in Boston, as when arrayed in full court dress at St. James, London? " As Mrs. Washington was said to be so grand a lady," says a celebrated English visitor (Mrs. Throllpe), "we thought we must put on our best bibs and bands; so we dressed ourselves in our most elegant ruffles and silks, and were introduced to her ladyship; and don't you think we found her knitting, and with her check apron on! She received us very graciously and easily; but after the compliments were over she resumed her knitting. There we were, without a stitch of work, and sitting in state; but General Washington's lady, with her own hands was knitting stockings for her husband!" Does not that sweet republican simplicty command your admiration?

A pretty extensive mutiny occurred, at Hampton Roads, on the 12th, among a large number of colored troops of the Twenty-fifth corps, who objected to being sent in the Texas expedition. Prompt measures having been taken, the mutineers were disarmed by companies and at last accounts order appeared to have been restored, but the Second division of the expedition will be delayed in consequence of the outbreak.

There are two kinds of girls.--One is the kind that appear best abroad--the girls that are good for balls, rides, parties, visits, &c., and whose chief delight is in such things. The other is the kind that appear best at home, the girls that are useful and cheerful in the dining room, and all the precincts of home. They differ widely in character. One is often a torment at home, the other a blessing; one is a moth, consuming everything about her. The other a sunbeam, diffusing life and gladness to all around her.

TRUTH is ever consistent with itself, and requires no special effort on the part of those whose statements are based on it, to make such statements harmonize at all times. It is different however with falsehood. A person given to lying should above all things have a good memory, and in order to give his lies any kind of currency, he must exercise considerable care to have them agree. Our neighbor of the Repository has become utterly reckless in this respect, and pays no more regard to consistency than if such a thing were, as Mr. Toots would say, "of no consequence whatever." As an evidence of this, hear what he says in his issue of the 21st ultimo:

"The rebel sympathisers among us, who co-operated with the traitors during the fierce struggle just ended, and controlled the opposition at the last election, seem to feel that their party existence depends upon their making odious, and thwarting the administration, and are busy in impeding and deranging the efforts of the government."

In the above extract the Repository plainly charges "the rebel sympathizers" (meaning ourself and other Democrats) "with making odious and thwarting the administration."

Now, we wish the public to read the above in connection with the following taken from its last issue:

"The SPIRIT is attempting to capture President Johnson by gradual approaches in imitation of its party. Each week it becomes a little stronger in its commendation of some of his official acts. In last week's issue it says that "the Democracy have seen in the course of the President much to approve, and very little to condemn," and in a few weeks more it will probably declare him a second Jackson. We congratulate the SPIRIT on its lucid intervals, and bid it good speed in getting over in getting over in support of a sound Union administration."

It certainly requires some ingenuity to reconcile these two extracts. In one we are charged with "making odious and thwarting the administration." and with being busy "in impeding and deranging the efforts of the government." and in the other that we are "getting over in support of a sound Union administration." We confess to having ever had a disposition to "support" any that we considered "a sound Union administraton," and since the accession of President Johnson, we have seen much in his course which we could approve, and very cordially commend. The Repository, thus far, is right, in the last quoted extract. In the future, as in the past, it may expect to find us approving all acts of the administration which, in our opinion, deserve our approbation and support; but at the same time we will as freely condemn what we can not approve.

The only way by which we can account for the descrepancy in the two extracts, is on the supposition that the Repository has two editors. We know that the "chief" was absent several weeks attending to the interests of the "Imperial" and "Sterling"--or(?) his own, in the oil regions, and that during such absence the heavy work was done by a fellow who generally gives loose rein to his fancy, without regard to truth or anything else.

This new system of banking, fastened upon the country in the hour of trial by the old money hunks who fought Jackson in his day, promises as much now as then, but are these promises based upon anything more secure and less dangerous than the old U.S. bank system?--we think not.

The men who contend for a uniform paper currency for the whole country, are men who have accumulated large estates and desire to perpetuate the same in their families by putting the country under bonds in shape of a heavy perpetual national debt, making it the basis of banking, and by that system associate the wealth of the country, so organized as to overshadow every other interest and control the government of the country.

That class cites England as a precedent, telling the people how large a debt she owes, how stable and properous she is under this heavy debt, but fail to tell the people England has by and through this system a pauper list of over 250,000 of grandees, gentle folk, besides her active and useful thousands who also live upon the producing and laboring class, while the great mass of her subjects through this money system have no more to say in the government than the ox or horse upon the manor of the lord of the soil.

We don't desire now, to discuss the merits of this new banking system, but only to throw out a thought for the consideration of those more competent than ourself to handle this question, and elaborate an argument that will expose the danger growing out of the system to republican institutions and the interest of the whole people.

It is said Judge Chase, the author of this system of banking, is already endeavoring to make advantage out of his own bantling, for the purpose of reaching the Presidential chair in 1868, but he may possibly find long before that day his system crumble to pieces, and himself an object of dire hate and public scorn, even more intense and violent than that visited upon a Law or a Biddle.

These national banks now number over one thousand and it is quite safe to say will double within a year. Our State or local banks are all fast becoming national banks, soon the people will have no other money. Men under these specious promises will lose their accustomed caution, and as inflation increases speculation will increase, men will sell and buy, money contracts will become due. Mr. Jones will lift his deposits say ten, twenty, or perhaps fifty thousand dollars at the First National Bank of Funkstown, carry the same to Discountville to pay off his farm, bought from Mr. Hunks; the vendor says to Mr. Jones, "I don't like this money, can't take it." "But," says vendee. "Mr. Hunks, those are national bills, all genuine and receivable by the United States Government in payment of debts and dues, except"--"No matter. Mr. Jones, here is our contract, and I am judge of what money I will take, and as I am not obliged to receive this sort of money, you had just return to the bank and exchange these bills for gold or legal tender."

Mr. Jones returns to the First National Bank of Funkstown, after laying his money package upon the counter, says he to the cashier, "Mr. Hunks won't receive this money, but demands greenbacks or gold. Now, if you please, Mr. cashier, I will feel obliged if you'll exchange with me."

"Indeed Mr. Jones it is impossible, we have neither gold nor greenbacks."

"Well," says Mr. Jones, "you'll redeem your bills, and as Mr. Hunks will not take his money, I cannot receive other than legal tender for these your bills, and will be obliged to carry your bills to a Notary Public for protest." The bills are protested and forwarded to the Treasury Department at Washington, D.C.

The Comptroller of the Treasury is re-required to realize on the bonds deposited by the First National Bank of Funkstown, and after thirty days must begin the redemption of the bills of the First National Bank of Funkstown. The Treasury agent puts upon the market one, two, or five hundred thousand dollars of 5-20 U.S. bonds, belonging to the First National Bank of Funkstown, announcing at the same time that noting but gold or legal tender will be received as money for these bonds, as national bank bills are not legal tender they cannot be received; yet the duty of the Treasury agent is imperative, and these bonds must be sold that the bills of the First National Bank of Funkstown may be redeemed according to law. Down goes Five-Twenties, down, down, down, the people take the alarm, a panic ensues, who is to stop it and how is it to be stopped.

Some persons will say, "Why, let Congress declare all national bank bills legal tender; Congress can do no such thing, no more than Congress can compel Mr. Hunks to take Mr. Jones' promissory note as legal tender. Congress may suspend specie payment, as England did, what then?--why to compensate for this check to depreciation, gold, real estate, and every commodity will go up, up, up, no one can tell how far.

All this may or may not happen, we hope it will not, but if something is not done to restrain this national banking sytem, and the nation cease to borrow from these national banks, it will come, for it is the logical sequence of the system.

We have confidence in the prudence and the foresight of President Johnson, that he will call for some action of Congress early to check this mad banking system, and by recommending a continuance and extended issue of legal tender U.S. bills for circulation amongst the people, and thereby ward off an evil as threatening almost as the invasion of our country by a foreign enemy; but will the loyal Congress see it, or will their loyalty permit them to support President Johnson and save the country from a panic, and the government securities from depreciation.

EXECUTIVE MANSION

Hon. Michael Hahn:

MY DEAR SIR: I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as the first free State governor of Louisiana. Now you about to have a convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest, for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in, as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, but to you alone.

Truly yours,

A. LINCOLN

On which note it is proper to observe:

1. That Mr. Lincoln's request of secrecy shows that he felt it was, if not intrusive, at least indelicate, for the President of the United States to be making suggestions respecting the regulation of suffrage in a State.

2. That Mr. Lincoln concedes that this is a matter for exclusive State control. The State convention then soon to be held, he said would probably define the elective franchise: and it is only in an indirect and covert manner that he seeks to influence its action, not by authority, not even by advice, but only by a diffident suggestion made through a citizen of the state.

3. That it was only very intelligent negroes or those who had fought with gallantry for the Union, who were included in the suggestion.

If the negro suffrage party will stand on Mr. Lincoln's ground nobody in the North will oppose them. Let them explicitly admit that the whole subject is outside the jurisdiction of the federal government, and that only a State convention in each State is competent to decide it, and they will show a becoming respect for the judgment of the deceased statesman they elected President. If the letter to Governor Hahn is paraded as authority it is an authority against them, both as regards jurisdiction over the subject, modesty in making the suggestions respecting it, and the extent in which the experiment of negro suffrage was deemed safe. On the point of jurisdiction Mr. Lincoln's opinion was positive; on the other points it was so hesitating and doubtful that he did not care to avow it to the public. The earlier sentiments of Mr. Lincoln were decidedly hostile to negro citizenship and suffrage. In the famous Illinois contest for the senatorship between him and Judge Douglas in 1858, Mr. Lincoln defined his views as follows:

Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro citizenship. So far as I know, the judge never asked me that question before. He shall have no occasion, to ever ask it again, for I shall tell him frankly that I am not in favor of negro citizenship. * * *

My opinion is that the different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the Constitution of the United States if they choose. The Dred Scott decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois had that power, I should be opposed to the exercise of it.

Mr. Lincoln said more to the same effect, is that he was "not in favor of bringing about, in any way, the social and political equality of the white and black races." "I am not," said Mr. Lincoln, "nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office."

These early views of Mr. Lincoln are of no sort of consequence as bearing on the main question. President Lincoln and President Johnson are both on record as strongly opposed to negro equality; and as citizens of their respective States they were entitled to entertain on it any views they pleased. As a federal question there is no place for it, and on this point there is an entire concurrence between the opinions of late and actual presidents; both alike regarding it as a matter of State discretion.

If President Lincoln's private correspondence on this subject must be divulged, let not false glosses be put upon it.

"Those who think that when a State has been reconstructed under President Johnson's plan of provisional government, it will pass from the control of the administration altogether, will find themselves much mistaken. A State government to be legal, must me acknowledged as such by the President, and by both Houses of Congress. If the Southern States are reconstructed upon a basis of insecurity to the republic, injustice to other States, or disregard of the great issues settled by the war, the whole subject will come before Congress on the admission of members."

Here, then, is to be the fight. The radicals, finding that their power passed away with the advent of Johnson, will martial all their forces next winter to embarass his efforts at reorganization, and prevent any of the Southern States securing a representative in Congress unless pledged to radicalism and negro suffrage. But they will fail in this. The Southern States will not require re-admission as territories are admitted.--Their representatives will come to take their seats as if nothing had happened. The President will have no control over them. His "provisional governments" will have passed away and been succeeded by the old State organizations, under which these representatives will come delegated to Congress. Uniting themselves then, with conservative members from the North, the radicals will become powerless to stir up and continue the disgraceful strife that has so long sundered the sections. Secessionism is now dead, which fact is nowhere more felt than at the South. To endeavor to continue a war of sections on so debasing an issue as negro suffrage is therefore most criminal and reprehensible. Let the South do her duty fairly: elect good and true Union men and the Northern conservatives will protect them from the radicals and negro suffrage.

The Augusta Chronicle publishes a detailed statement of what passed at the celebrated peace conference in Hampton Roads. The materials for this statement were furnished by Alexander H. Stephens. They consisted in part of oral communications made by Mr. Stephens to the writer, add in part of the confidential written report (never before published) furnished by the rebel commissioners to the rebel President. --From the report, which was signed by all three of the commissioners, as being more illustrative than anything else in it of the liberal temper manifested on that occasion by Mr. Lincoln.

Mr. Seward then remarked: Mr. President--It is well to inform these gentlemen that yesterday Congress acted upon the amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery.

Mr. Lincoln stated that was true, and suggested that there was a question as to the right of the insurgent States to return at once and claim a right to vote upon the amendment, to which the concurrence of two-thirds of the States was required. He stated that it would be desirable to have the institution of slavery abolished by the consent of the people as soon as possible--he hoped within six years. He also stated that four hundred millions of dollars might be offered as compensation to the owners and remarked; "You would be surprised were I to give you the names of those who favor that."

The Chronicle also makes on the authority of Mr. Stephens, the following statement:

Mr. Stephens came home with a new cause of sorrow, and those who said he talked of coming home to make war speeches and denounce the terms offered simply lied. Before Mr. Lincoln's death, he thought he was doing a favor to him not to include that offer of four hundred millions in gold for the Southern slaves, in the published report, for it would be used to the injury of Mr. Lincoln by those of his enemies who talk about taxation and the debt.

These remarkable statements, which, if true, are important materials of history, raise two questions to which public curiosity will seek an answer:

1. Is it probable that the main statement--that relating to the offer by President Lincoln of the four hundred millions--is true!

2. Supposing it true, who are the parties referred to by Mr. Lincoln whose approval of the offer would have surprised the rebel commissioners?

The fact that the statement was made in a confidential report prepared by the commissioners for the information of Mr. Davis and signed by all their names, creates a strong presumption of its truth, which can be rebutted only by evidence of its intrinsic improbability. If there be such improbability it certainly does not lie in any conflict between the offer and the tenor of Mr. Lincoln's antecedent views. In his second annual message, Mr. Lincoln said: "It is none the less true for having been often said, that the people of the South are not more responsible for the introduction of this property than the people of the North; and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then, for a common object, this property to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done all at a common charge!"A comparison of this passage with the statement of the commissioners, renders the alleged offer entirely credible.

The next question is, who Mr. Lincoln probably referred to in his dark intimation respecting those who approved of the offer. As he used the plural number, we can lift only one corner of the veil. Whoever may have been the surprising indorsers of this offer, it is certain that Mr. Horace Greely was its original proposer. In his letter to President Lincoln reccommending the Niagara Falls negotiation (surreptitiously published about the time of the Hampton Roads conference for the purpose of defaming Mr. Greely) he suggested, as one of his six points to constitute the basis of peace, the payment of four hundred millions in United States five per cent bonds, as a compensation to the loyal owners of slave, to be distributed among the States in the ratio of the slave population; the share of each State to be at the absolute disposal of its Legislature. The paternity of the four hundred million offer made by President Lincoln clearly belongs to Mr. Greely. It would seem, from the statement of Mr. Lincoln, that when he showed it to others, it had the fortune to be indorsed in some very unexpected quarters.

The facts here collated have only a historical interest; but they throw a curious light on one of the most remarkable transactions during the way. We dare say it was hardly surmised by those who violated confidence to procure the publication of Mr. Greely's letter, that President Lincoln was, at that very time, giving the most scandalous part of it the highest sanction it could possibly receive.

Some inquiries having recently been addressed to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, in relation to several cases in which the writer had some doubts, the following reply was received from Deputy Commissioner Rollins:

"I reply, that where property which is employed in business is lost, by fire or otherwise, it may be restored to the condition before the loss, from the profits of the business inwhcih it is employed, provided restoration is made in the same year in which it is destroyed. If it is not restored, no deduction will be made on account of the loss and animals lost by theft, &c., may be replaced by others of equal value

"When a farmer has lost his fencing, as in the case you state harmed by the armies, he is entitled to deduct the expense of restoring it to its former condition from the income of his farm; but no deduction can be made from other sources. The rate is, that loss incurred in presenting one kind of business cannot be deducted from gains derived from a business of an entirely different endeavor. Therefore a merchant doing business in Baltimore cannot deduct from his gains in that business loss mearred from his farming operations.

"Where a father has Leg it control over his minor son, so as to earn his wages, he can claim no deduction on the son's account. If the father has no legal control over his son's wages, the son must return his own income, but only one deduction of $600 will be allowed. The son will be entitled to his proportionate share of said deduction."

Now that the war is over, it may be interesting to many to learn the following items showing to whom pensions may be granted.
We give what occurred on the occasion entire:

1. Invalids, disabled since March 4th, 1861, in the military or naval service of the United States, while in the line of duty.

2. Widows of officers, soldiers and seamen who have died of wounds received or disease contracted in the service as above.

3. Children under sixteen years of age of either of the aforesaid deceased parents, if there is no widow surviving or from the time of the widows marriage.

4. Mothers of officers, sodiers or seamen, deceased as aforementioned, and who were dependent on the son for support, in whole or in part.

5. Sisters under sixteen years of age, dependent on said deceased brother wholy or in part for support, provided there are none of the last three cases above mentioned.

Invalids and friends of deceased soldiers are remined that in order to have said pension commence when the service terminated, the application therefore must be made within a year of the discharge of the invalid, or decease of the officer, soldier, or as the case may be.

Mr. Holmes.--You always claimed to be.
(Laughter.)

The President replied: He always thought that slavery could not be sustained outside of the Constitution of the United States, and that whenever the experiment was made it would be lost. Whether it could or could not, he was for the Union, and if slavery set itself up to control the Government, the Government must triumph and slavery perish. The institution of slavery under the issue, and we might as well meet it likewise, patriotic and honest men. All institutions must be subordinate to the Government and slavery has given way. He could not if he would remand it to its former status.

He knew that some whom he now addressed looked upon him as a great people's man and a radical; but however unpleasant it might be to them, he had no hesitation in saying that before and after he entered public life that he was opposed to monompolies, and perpetuities and entailes. For this he used to be denounced as a demagogue. When they had a monopoly in the South in slaves, though he had bought and held slaves, he had never sold one. From the Magna Charta we had derived our ideas of freedome of speech and liberty of the press, and from unreasonable searches, and that private property should not be taken for public uses without just compensation. He had thse notions fixed in his mind, and was, therefore, opposed to this class of legislation. Being providentially brought to his present position he intended to exert the power and influence of the Government, so as to place in power the popular heart of this nation.

He proceeded on the principle that the great masses are not like mushrooms, clinging about a stump and owing their existence to the murky weather. He believed that this nation was sent on a great mission to afford an example of freedom and substantial happiness to all the powers of the earth. The Constitution of the United States, in speaking of persons to be chosen as representatives in Congress says: "The electors of each State shall have the qualifications requisite for Electors to the most numerous branch of the State Legislature."

Here we find a resting place. This was the point at which the Rebellion commenced. All the States were in the Union, moving in harmony; but a portion of them rebelled, and to some extent paralyzed and suspended the operations of their Governments. there is a constitutional obligation resting upon the United States Government to put down Rebellion, suppress insurrection and to repel invasion. The slaves went into the war as slaves, and came out free men of color. The friction of the Rebellion has rubbed out the nature and charcter of slavery. The loyal men who were compelled to bow and submit to the Rebellion should, now that the Rebellion has ended, stand equal to loyal men everywhere. Hence the wish of restoration and trying to get back the States to the point at which they formerly moved in perfect harmony.

He did not intend to serve any particular clique or interest. He would say to the delegation that slavery is gone as an institution. There was no hope that the people of South Carolina could be admitted into the Senate or the House of Representatives until they had afforded evidence by their conduct of this truth. The policy, now that the rebellion is suppressed, is not to restore the State Governments through military rule, but by the people. While the war has emancipated the slaves, it has emancipated a large number of white men. He would talk plain.

The delegation said that was what they desired.

He could go to men who had owned fifty or a hundred slaves, and who do not care as much for the poor white man as they did for the negro. Those who own the land have the capital to employ, and therefore some of our Northern friends are deceived when they, living far off, think they can exercise a greater control over the freedmen than the Southern men who have been reared where the institution of slavery prevailed.

Now, he did not want the late slaveholders to control the negro votes against white men. Let each State judge of the depositary of its own political power. He was for emancipating the white man as well as the black.

Mr. Holmes asked, "Is that not altogether accomplished?"

The President replied that he did not think the question was fully settled. the question as to whether the black man shall be engrafted in the constituency, will be settled as we go along. He would not disguise the fact that, while he had been prersecuted and denouced at the South as a traitor, he loved the great mass of the Southern people. He opposed the Rebellion at its breaking out and fought it everywhere; and now he wanted the principles of the Government carried out and maintained.

Mr. Holmes interrupted by saying, we want to get back to the same position as you describe. As we are without law no courts are open, and you have the power to assist us.

The President replied: --The Government cannot go on unless it is right. The people of South Carolina must have a Convention and amend their Constitution by abolishing slavery and this must be done in good faith; and the Convention or Legislature must adobt the proposed amendment to the Constitution of the Union, which prohibits and excludes slavery everywhere.

One of the delegates said: --We are most anxious for civil rule, for we have had more than enough of military despotism.

The President resuming, said that, as the Executive, he could only take the initiatory steps to enable them to do the things which it was incumbent upon them to perform.

Another of the delegates remarked that it was assumed in some parts of the country that, in consequence of the Rebellion, the Southern States had forfeited their rights as members of the Confederacy, and that if they were restored it could only be on certain conditions, one of which was that slavery shall be abolished. This could be done only through a convention.

the President repeated that the friction of the Rebellion had rubbed slavery out; but that the Constitutuion of South Carlpina did not establish slavery it would be better to insert a clause therein antagonistic to slavery.

Judge Frost said: --The object of our prayer is the appoinment of a Governor. --The people of South Carolina will accept these conditions in order that law and order may be restored, and that enterprise and industry may be directed to useful ends. We desire restoration as soon as possible. It is the part of wisdom to make the best of circumstances. Certain delusuions have been dispelled by the revolutuion, among them that slavery was an element of political strenth and moral pwer. It is very certain that the old notion respecting State rights, in the maintenance of which those who in South Carolina made the Rebellion, erred, has ceased to exist. Another delusion, namely, that "Cotton is king," has also vanished in the mist.

We are to come back with these notions dispelled and with a new system of labor. The people of South Carolina will cordially cooperate with the Government in making that labor effective, and elevating the negro as much as they can. It is, however, more th work of time than the labor of enthusiasm and fanaticism. The people of

RICHMOND, June 26.

EDITORS SPIRIT:

I left Chambersburg on the 22d inst. I was compelled to stay at Harrisburg one day to get the pay due me for services in the Signal Corps. Paymaster Justus Phelps' account differed from mine about sixty dollars. He committed an error of ten dollars on account of my rank, and twenty-seven in my clothing account. These I had corrected, but he still retained the twenty-five dollars bounty paid me when I enlisted, more than a year ago. One year men are not the only ones whose bounties are withheld.

I reached Baltimore on the evening of the 23d in time to take the steamer Daniel Webster, which leaves at 6 P.M. for Richmond, fare $8.00, meals $1.00. I sat on the main deck for two hours, watching the approaching and receding tugs, schooners, &c., that dotted the bay. To a verdant land-bubber this seems extremely pleasant, and I availed myself of all the pleasure it afforded. I slept comfortably in one of the berths of the cabin, arose early, breakfasted, and went on deck again. At 7 A.M. we landed at Fortress Monroe and then embarked on the Milton Martin, and at 7 we left the Hampton Roads, for Richmond. Fortress Monroe, Hampton, Hampton Roads, Sewell's Point, &c., are just what the newspapers say they are. Nothing new that would interest any one can be added here. Soon after we started I made the acquaintance of an intelligen sergeant of a N.Y. Battery, who had served with the armies operating against Richmond for more than four years. He knew all about the James River, and he entertained me during the whole trip. We passed a dozen different landings, points, plantations of note, &c., but I can't notice them all. Fort Pocahontas, at Wilson's Landing or Jamestown called forth my especial attention. --The river is very narrow here, and the fort seems to have been built to prevent the rebels obstructing the stream. here are the remnants of historic Jamestown. All that remains of this first English settlement is the remnant of an old church. Let the name of the fort here, and Fort Powhatan, eight miles above, suggest the early history of this place.

Harrison's and Aikett's landing are not devoid of interst in connection with the history of the present war, but let it pass. At Wilson's landing I was shown a Rebel Major whose treason cost him no little. --He is the son of one Morgan, but to satisfy the demands of an eccentric uncle, the donor of all his possessions, he had his name changed to that of his benefactor--Allen. He is now Wm. C. Allen, familiarily called "Buck" Allen. Before the war "Buck" Allen owned upper and lower Brandon, and Jamestown lands amounting to nine thousand acres. He had also three thousand slaves, fourteen miles private Rail Road, houses, barns, &c., accordingly. He left the Rebel army a year ago, and it is said much of his real estate, that was forfeited will be restored him. Of course his slaves are slaves no more.

The Signal Towers on this line awakened a lively interst. Some of them mount up more than two hundred feet, and I was not long concluding that if I had been on duty here instead of the Department of Pennsylvania, one more soldier would have died, of a broken neck, a natural consequence of my ascent to such a tower.

Dutch Gap Canal is on this line. We passed the canal, and I scrutinized it closely. After steaming on for half an hour, we came to the same Dutch Gap Canal. I [unclear] it is not more than three hundred years long, and less than twenty yards wide. It is a remarkable fact that the traveler who follows the James River is no nearer Richmond after steaming for eight miles than he was before steaming at all. I've reached Richmond at 4 P.M., Saturday. I have been over most of the city. --In the first hour of my stay here, I got into the capitol and Jeff's residence. The capitol is massive, but old, rusty and abused. --It resembles in structure very much the capitol at Harrisburg, except that it is built of stone. The grounds are handsome [unclear] throughout, with walks, &c., just like that of my own State. Close to the building is a splendid marble monument. [unclear] General Washington on his horse is on the [unclear], with the horse's head southward, but Washington is pointing with his right hand and looking to the South-South West. --Lower on a sub platform or sub pillars are the statues of Thomas Jefferson, Mason (not of Mason and Slidell reputation) and Henry. Jefferson is facing eastward, and his face depicts great though. His left forearm crosses his breast, and his left hand holds a scroll, and with a pen in his right hand, his arm is thrown across his breast above his left, with the hadn as high as his shoulder. Mason looks South East and has arms hanging at his side, with a pen and scroll in his hands. Henry is looking southward, with his right arm extended as in advancing gesture, bearing in his hand a sword, grasped near the centre, and with it is a scroll bearing the one word LIBERTY. A separate statue of Hart is near this, but I know nothing of his history. I had occasion to visit Jeff.'s mansion--Gen. Halleck's headquarters. I was in two of the rooms and can pronounce them elegant. --The furniture is superior to any I saw North. The sentinel here told me that the same was used by Jeff. Vice President Stephen's residence is nearly opposite and is little less elegant. At this as well as all other buildings of any note, private and public entrance is gained by mounting a flight of high steps. The city looks old and rusty. Gen. Lee's mansion is on Franklin Street between 7yh and 8th, and is a three storied brick building, enclosed with an iron fence. It is very plain, as is also most all the city, yet there are a few houses of superior architecture and handsomely ornamented. From the James (excepting those houses next the river) to Broad street the houses are very large. North of that they are generally small. Excepting that part next the James, the city is not compactly built. The streets are all shaded, the squares short, the site hilly. A great deal of the south side was burnt, covering four or five times as much ground as the Chambersburg burnt district. This looks just like C. did. I visited Castle thunder and Libby Prision, situated in the south east part of the city, slose to the burnt district. They are the dirtiest, most stinking holes I ever saw men in. The scene is too disgusting to write about. Force is the only allurement I could ever admit, to get me there.

Boarding here commands $3.50 a day. I stopped at the Monumental Hotel. The house and furniture are common, but the fare and attention is very good.

I attended Episcopalian services at St. Pauls Church on Sunday evening. This is a finer church than any in Chambersburg, and from a rough estimate I believe about ten or twelve hundred persons can be seated comfortably. The pews are cushioned, with wood work engraved. Large hewn stone is the building material. Fourteen persons were admitted to membership. I thought the church music unlike any I ever heard North. The church has as good an organ as any I ever heard.

For the satisfaction of our northern ladies I will here say, that as a general rule the Richmond females do not follow northern fashions. Half crowns, no crowns, puff hair and waterfalls are among the things to come. Some ladies here, whom I believe to be from the North, because of the company they keep, follow the style of caps, no crowns, &c., that are used in C. Not a short slack, or Josie or Garibaldi seems to have entered the city, Duster or no wrappings at all.

I met in the city one Corporal Henneberger from C. He is very one of Co. D, 11th Cavalry's best.

I reported here to Gen. Curtis. This morning I leave for Texas via Old Point Comfort.

My regiment left here June 1, and has already reached Texas. So says Curtis. I am sorry to leave Richmond for it is decidedly pleasant.

Yours, Respectfully. 127--11-5