Staunton Spectator

The President opens his message with an expression of gratitude to God of the preservation of the United States.

He explains his views of the mutual relations of the Government and the States, and says this government of the United States is a limited government, and States with proper limitation of power are essential to the existence of the Constitution of the United States. After the closing of hostilities, the first question that presented itself for his decision was, whether the territory, within the limits of the recovered States should be held as conquered territory, under military and authority emanating from the President as the head of the army. He opposed the policy of military rule, for various reasons. The true history is, that all pretended acts of secession were from the beginning, null and void. If any States neglects or refuses to perform its offices, there is more need that the general government should maintain all its authority, and as soon as practicable, resume the exercise of all its functions, which, happily for us all brings with it a blessing to the STates over which they are extended. He has felt it necessary to assert one other power of the general government, the power of pardon, connected with the clearest recognition of the binding force of the laws of the United States, and an acknowledgement of the change in regard to slavery. The next step which he says he has taken to restore the constitutional relations of the States has been an invitation to them to participate in the high office of amending the Constitution. The adoption of the proposed amendment re-unites us beyond all power of disruption. It will efface the sad memory of the past, and bind us more than ever to mutual affection and support. Every patriot must wish for general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with the public good. For this great end there is need of a concurrence of all opinions, and a spirit of mutual conciliation. The amendment to the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for the States whose powers have been so long in abeyance to resume their places in the two branches of the national legislature and thereby complete the work of restoration. "Here," says the President, "it is for you, fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, to judge each for yourselves, of the election returns and the qualification of your own members."

He refers to the unwillingness of the Chief Justice to hold a term of the United States Circuit Court in Richmond, "until Congress should have an opportunity to consider and act on the whole subject." He hopes that Congress may make an early provision for the resumption of all its judicial functions. Persons charged with treason should have fair and impartial trials in the highest civil tribunals of the country. The truth should be affirmed, that treason is a crime, and traitors should be punished, and the offence made infamous, that the question should be judicially settled, that no State has the right of its own will to renounce its place in the Union.

In relation to the question of extending the right of suffrage to the freedmen emancipated by the war, and of necessity to the free colored men in all the States of the Union the President expresses his well-known views and policy of referring it to the several States. He says it may prove that the colored men will receive the kindliest usage from some of those on whom they have heretofore most closely depended. But while he has no doubt that now, after the close of he war, it is not competent for the general government to extend the elective franchise to the several States, it is equally clear that good faith requires the necessity of the freedmen in their property, their right to labor and to claim the just return of their labor. Now that the monopoly of slave labor has been removed from the States nearest the Gulf of Mexico, the influx of free labor will people those regions with numerous and enterprising population which will vie with any in the Union in compactness, inventive genious, wealth and industry. The constitutional freedom of commerce between the States is referred to, and the right of any State to tax the transit between States denied. It constitutes one of the worst forms of monopoly, and the evil is increased if coupled with a denial of the choice of the route. Every such obstacle ought to be sternly guarded against by appropriate legislation within the limits of the Constitution. These remarks, it will be supposed, have a bearing on such railroads as are burdened with a consolidation tax, passing from one State to another.

The report of the SEcretary of the Interior presents evidence of the successful operation of the homestead act, over one million and a half acres having been entered the past fiscal year and occupied by industrious settlers. The business of the Pension Bureau has largely increased the number of pensioners being now 85,9986, requiring for their annual pay over $8,000,000. He says a grateful people will not hesitate to [unclear] any measure for the relief of soldiers (or their wives) who have assisted to preserve national existence.

the report of the Postmaster General presents an encouraging exhibit, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures. Progress has been made in restoring the postal service in the Southern States. He also refers to the report of the Secretary of War, which states that the volunteer force has already been reduced by the discharge of over 800,000 troops. It is proposed to reduce the regular army to 50,000 men, so organized that the ranks may be filled up to 82,000 whenever required.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury is commended, and it is urged that "it is our duty to prepare for the ever increasing evils of an unredeemable currency," and by conducting business as nearly as possible on a system of cast payments or short credits, the people will be prepared to return to the standard of good and silver. The duty is heartily recognized is diminishing the amount of paper money now in circulation.

He refers to the nations with which we are in friendly alliance, and then reviews the conduct of Great Britain, and the attempt of the British minister to justify the action of his government towards this country.

While he feels bound to declare his opinion before Congress and the world that justification cannot be sustained by the tribunal of nations, yet he does not advise to any present attempt at redress by acts of legislation. In relation to the invasion of some parts of America, in the interests of monarchy, the President says "he relies upon the wisdom and justice of the European powers to respect the system of non-interference, which has so long been sanctioned by time, and which by its good results has approved itself to both continents." "We should regard it a great calamity should any European power challenge the American people to the defence of Republicanism against foreign interference." The correspondence with France and England will, at proper time, be laid before Congress.

The message closes with an eulogy upon the greatness of our country and upon the republican model of government as exhibited in our institutions, and solemnly invokes every citizen of our favored land to aid in perpetuating our own free constitution.

Congress met, with a quorum in each house on the 4th inst. The House was organized by the re-election of Speaker Colfax and other subordinate officer. The radical republicans under the lead of Thad. Stevens in the House, and Sumner and Wade in the Senate forthwith commenced their old policy of "agitation," by introducing resolutions intended to harass the South, and embarrass re-construction unless conducted on their peculiar plan. A joint resolution, previously agreed upon in a republican canvass, was introduced in each house, to exclude all members elect from the Southern States untill a committee (of radicals of course) should report upon the subject. On the next day the President's able, and liberal message was read, which is supposed to have been a wet blanket upon the radical fires. Congress then adjourned over until the 14th inst.

The Richmond Sentinel pays the following handsome tribute to the ladies of the South for the part they have borne in the trials of the last five years:

"Cheerful under privations, patient under suffering, heroic amid danger, "ministering angels" beside the cot where pain and anguish were wringing the brow of the sick and the wounded soldier; readily renouncing accustomed comforts, and cheerfully undergoing unaccustomed toils;--their example has been, indeed, an inspiration and a joy, and added fresh attractions to that loveliness,and fresh power to that away, to which Southern gallantry has always delighted to do homage. Whosoever shall write the story of those times, will slander his theme if he assign not to the ladies of the South -- God bless them! -- a peculiar merit and a special praise."